De Menezes execution

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Re: Yet another story/excuse/lie

Postby antiaristo » Wed Sep 28, 2005 10:16 am

Pam,<br>If you look closely that's another unattributed statement. It's just a synonym for "acting suspiciously" which has already been withdrawn as a lie.<br>It's still BLAME MENEZES TIME.<br>But don't do it in the name of the Met!<br><br>Then there's the second part<br><br>"armed officers from CO19 were summoned to arrest him."<br><br>But they weren't, were they.<br>Those people (non-surveillance) were summoned to kill him.<br>Only Cressida Dick (the fall gal) didn't know it.<br><br>Pam, it is the UK that is corrupting the US.<br>More exactly (because the people don't know) it is the British Crown that is corrupting the US government, just as it has corrupted the British government. <p></p><i></i>
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ANOTHER STORY

Postby Peachtree Pam » Wed Sep 28, 2005 3:59 pm

Anti, CAN YOU BELIEVE IT?? STILL TRYING TO FIND AN EXCUSE, STILL BLAMING MENEZES!:<br><br>"Inside the station the family saw where on the platform Mr Menezes was shot as he attempted to board a train."<br><br><br>Menezes' family call for justice <br> <br>Mr Menezes' mother has called for Sir Ian Blair to resign <br>The family of Jean Charles de Menezes say they want the officers who shot him by mistake to be prosecuted after they visited the scene where he died. <br>His mother Maria Otone de Menezes said: "Those who killed my son, as much as the police chief who is responsible for the whole team, should be punished." <br><br>She spoke after the family had retraced Mr Menezes' final journey from his south London flat to Stockwell Tube. <br><br>The electrician was shot the day after the failed 21 July bombings in London. <br><br>Mrs Menezes said: "I want the police responsible to be taken to justice." <br><br>She said it was "lamentable that the life of a hard-working young man can be taken away so brutally". <br><br>Resignation call <br><br>His brother, Giovani Da Silva, added: "The police should be taken to court and given the justice." <br><br>He said the process "should be taken to its end" and that the family believe they have been misled about whether CCTV cameras had been working when his brother was killed, prompting their fears of a cover-up. <br><br>The electrician's mother called for Sir Ian Blair's resignation saying that "he failed to do his duty". <br><br>Mrs Menezes said her son, who was 27, had been "killed like a mad dog", adding "no human being should be treated in that way". <br><br> <br>The family's two-week UK visit is paid for by Scotland Yard <br><br>Meanwhile, Gareth Peirce, the family's lawyer, said: "They expect justice and by justice they expect that those who have committed crimes, or may have committed crimes, to be properly investigated and prosecuted and tried, if appropriate." <br><br>Earlier, the family was confronted by a large crowd outside Stockwell Tube station where they retraced Mr Menezes' steps. <br><br>Reporters and cameramen jostled to watch the family, while uniformed Metropolitan Police officers stood guard. <br><br>The station was closed to commuters while the visit took place. <br><br>After inspecting the shrine of flowers and messages by the station entrance, a visibly distressed Mrs Menezes said: "Look what they've done to my son." <br><br>Inside the station the family saw where on the platform Mr Menezes was shot as he attempted to board a train. <br><br>A tearful Mrs Menezes was comforted by relatives, while other family members embraced before they were driven away. <br><br>The electrician's parents and five other relatives are on a two-week visit to the UK, paid for by Scotland Yard. <br><br>Mr Menezes' brother, who is on the trip with his wife and three children, earlier said they did hope to meet senior police. <br><br> <br>Jean Charles de Menezes was shot dead by police at Stockwell Tube station on 22 July<br><br><br>The shooting: What we know <br><br>"We've come here to see what's going on. It's important for us to demand explanations," he said. <br><br>The family, who arrived in the UK from Brazil on Tuesday, have expressed a desire to see officers jailed over the shooting, which took place the day after the 21 July failed London bombings. <br><br>The Met chief has admitted he did consider quitting in the aftermath of the shooting. <br><br>On Thursday they will visit the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), which is investigating the circumstances that led up to Mr Menezes being shot seven times in the head. <br><br>The IPCC has called for an end to speculation about the case following claims in Tuesday's Evening Standard newspaper that police bosses knew within hours an innocent man had been shot. <br><br>"It is important that we have a fair and thorough process leading to the truth and so the leaks and speculation must end," IPCC chairman Nick Hardwick said. <br><br>A leak in August of IPCC investigation documents prompted claims of a police cover-up. <br><br>The documents contradicted early police claims that Mr Menezes' "clothing and demeanour" had added to suspicions that he was a suspect being linked to the 21 July attacks. <br><br>Three senior Brazilian officials visited London last month on a fact-finding mission about the shooting, and concluded there had been no cover-up. <br><br>A 43-year-old woman was last week arrested and later bailed over the leak.<br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4288682.stm#">news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4288682.stm#</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--> <br><br> <br> <p></p><i></i>
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This looks promising

Postby antiaristo » Thu Sep 29, 2005 2:14 pm

<!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em> <br> 4pm update <br><br><!--EZCODE FONT START--><span style="font-size:small;">Menezes family: police lied to us</span><!--EZCODE FONT END--> <br>Staff and agencies<br>Thursday September 29, 2005 <br><br><br>The family of Jean Charles de Menezes spoke today of their distress after viewing CCTV footage of his last moments, and said they were now convinced that police had lied to them. <br><br>Relatives said the footage, which they watched at the headquarters of the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC), showed the 27-year-old Brazilian had not been acting suspiciously before police shot him dead. <br><br>The innocent electrician was confused with a terror suspect after he entered a train at Stockwell tube station in south London on July 22. He was killed one day after the four failed suicide bomb attempts on the capital's transport system. <br><br>The family are angry that claims that he was acting suspiciously and had run from police were not dismissed until someone leaked information from the IPCC inquiry to the media in August. <br><br>Jean Charles's mother, Maria de Menezes, his father, Matozinhos Da Silva, brother Giovani and other relatives spent more than three hours being briefed by IPCC officials. <br><br>The group emerged from the meeting at the IPCC's headquarters in Holborn, central London, and said they could reveal little of what had been discussed because of the continuing investigation. <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>However, Giovani de Menezes said: "The film showed that Jean did not have suspicious behaviour. For sure, they lied to the family."</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>The solicitor Harriet Wistrich read a prepared statement saying the family had agreed not to divulge information that could "prejudice any possible criminal proceedings".<br><br>The statement went on: "We have many more questions to ask. This was the first of a series of meetings. <br><br>"We were shown the only available CCTV from Stockwell tube. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>It was very distressing to see how completely relaxed and normal Jean Charles appeared</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->, particularly in the light of statements made immediately after his death." <br><br>The family said they did not want more innocent people in London to be killed and that they hoped lessons would be learnt. <br><br>The group of relatives was met this morning by the head of the IPCC, Nick Hardwick, who promised that they would be kept informed of all developments, apart from information sensitive to national security. Some of Jean Charles's family yesterday accused police of staging a "cover-up" over his death, saying they suspected officials of holding some information back. But the Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir Ian Blair, has denied claims of a cover-up. <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Two marksmen who took part in the operation are believed to have been served with notices listing allegations against them and to have been warned that they could face criminal charges. The serving of the notices is the first stage in any disciplinary process that could lead to a trial.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>The IPCC will deliver the findings of its inquiry to the Crown Prosecution Service, which will then decide whether to begin any prosecutions. <br><br>Members of Mr de Menezes' family have said they want senior officers and the officers directly involved in the shooting to be taken to court and "punished". <br><br>The relatives arrived in Britain from Brazil on Monday. Scotland Yard is paying for their visit, which could last for two weeks.<br><br>Yesterday, they visited Stockwell and stood on the platform where Mr de Menezes boarded the train on which he was shot. <br><br>Speaking yesterday, Giovani de Menezes said: "The police lied to the family to try to cover up their error ... I counted nine cameras inside the station. <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>"They say that the day Jean died, the system was not working. But the director said the tapes were handed to the police. Once again this is proof they lied [and] that they have deleted what was on the tapes."</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>He confirmed the family would not be meeting Sir Ian during their visit. They have called on him to resign over the shooting.<br></em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END--> <br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/attackonlondon/story/0,16132,1580939,00.html">www.guardian.co.uk/attack...39,00.html</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><br> <p></p><i></i>
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This family

Postby Peachtree Pam » Thu Sep 29, 2005 2:40 pm

isn't going to be bribed, isn't going to be silenced, isn't going to give up. They are too smart and too angry. <p></p><i></i>
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Re: This family

Postby antiaristo » Thu Sep 29, 2005 3:26 pm

Pam, <br>You're right there.<br>It's very interesting, like a game of chess.<br>The Brits keep on trying to imply it was his own fault because he "acted suspiciously" - the latest being he employed "counter surveillance techniques" (ie he caught two busses on the way to the Tube!).<br><br>The family counter this every time by stressing how the Met has been caught lying. Nay, how they "lied to US about Jean-Charles".<br><br>Holdin' tight to the moral high ground.<br>And doing a wonderful service for the British people. <p></p><i></i>
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More promising still

Postby antiaristo » Fri Sep 30, 2005 6:22 am

The Brazillian Government speaks direct to the British people, and ties this tragedy to world politics.<br><br><!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em>Comment <br><br><!--EZCODE FONT START--><span style="font-size:small;">A summary execution <br><br>The Menezes killing is a reminder that human rights cannot be a stick to beat the developing world</span><!--EZCODE FONT END--> <br><br>Celso Amorin<br>Friday September 30, 2005<br>The Guardian <br><br><br>I can understand the shock the July bombings caused in Britain. I have lived in London, and we want to show solidarity in the fight against terror. But in Brazil we were also shocked that an innocent Brazilian could be mistaken for a terrorist and shot dead by the police. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>I want to avoid strong words</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->, but this was a tragic mistake, to say the least. It was a case of summary execution of the wrong person.<br><br>Even when you are dealing with someone accused of a crime, that person has a right to defend his or her case before the law. Jean de Menezes was not even accused of anything - he was simply the wrong man.<br><br>I don't want to pass judgment on how the police acted. I hope the results of the independent commission will explain to us what happened. Perhaps it is the police's method that should be questioned. We owe it to the cause of human rights to ensure that we do not attack the innocent, otherwise we will be helping the terrorists, who want to create a climate of insecurity. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Now peaceful citizens are not only afraid of suicide bombs, but also of the police.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>Jack Straw said that since terrorism is becoming international, the norms also have to be international. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>I understand the rules of engagement in the Menezes case have never been discussed anywhere else.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> I am not saying it is not the sovereign right of the UK to establish its rules of engagement. But for authentic cooperation, we will have to discuss them as well.<br><br>I hope we will continue to have a dialogue, and that the Menezes family will be adequately assisted. There is the question of the financial reparations the British government owes the family, <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>and the question of moral reparations also concerns the Brazilian nation. These reparations will only be final when this action is condemned. You cannot close the case until there is a full investigation. If court action needs to be taken, then that has to happen.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>We have to work on how to address terrorism without endangering human rights. Brazil's own situation is far from perfect, and many police officers have been jailed recently, in Rio de Janeiro especially. Brazil is still a developing country and as a result things sometimes happen which should not happen. The government is trying to improve matters, and one thing it has done for some time is to have an open and transparent policy on human rights. I hope the coverage of Brazil that appeared in British tabloids is not used as an excuse by those who committed this killing.<br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>It is in this wider context of human rights that we, along with other developing countries, are demanding a voice on the United Nations security council for those who don't see every single problem in the world in terms of security alone</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->. A reinforced UN body for human rights needs to address human rights in the wider world. It should not only be developing nations that are on trial. At present there are cases that are discussed because they are in the interest of some powers, while others are ignored because it is not in their interests. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>It is a question of everyone having the same standards.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> Brazil has many problems, but we have invited human rights reporters to investigate and recommend changes. I believe our human rights record is improving. We hope all countries can do the same.<br><br>We are realistic - we know the UN cannot be reformed overnight. But we are trying to create a balance between developing and developed countries. It will not be the ideal balance, because the security council's permanent five members will continue to have the power of veto. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>A complete overhaul of the UN would require another world war</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->. Thankfully that won't happen, so we must improve it gradually. <br><br>· Celso Amorin is Brazil's foreign minister; he was interviewed by Hilary Wainwright <br>imprensa@mre.gov.br</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END--><br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/attackonlondon/comment/story/0,16141,1581726,00.html">www.guardian.co.uk/attack...26,00.html</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--> <p></p><i>Edited by: <A HREF=http://p216.ezboard.com/brigorousintuition.showUserPublicProfile?gid=antiaristo>antiaristo</A> at: 9/30/05 4:24 am<br></i>
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The foreign minister's statement

Postby Peachtree Pam » Fri Sep 30, 2005 6:50 am

What a brilliant summary of the entire situation, given in a calm, objective and therefore powerful way. His tying the rights of the family to the rights of all Brazilians and to humanity as a whole (including Great Britain!) was masterful.<br><br>As you say, Anti, it is looking promising. <p></p><i></i>
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Re: The foreign minister's statement

Postby Qutb » Fri Sep 30, 2005 10:46 am

Celso Amorin is a man I have a lot of respect for, so it's fabulous, though not unexpected, to see him taking a personal interest in this case. Like the Menezes family, as Anti pointed out, he is doing the British people a service, too. <p><!--EZCODE FONT START--><span style="color:black;font-family:century gothic;font-size:x-small;"><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Qutb means "axis," "pole," "the center," which contains the periphery or is present in it. The qutb is a spiritual being, or function, which can reside in a human being or several human beings or a moment. It is the elusive mystery of how the divine gets delegated into the manifest world and obviously cannot be defined.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--></span><!--EZCODE FONT END--><br><br></p><i></i>
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Re: De Menezes execution

Postby antiaristo » Fri Sep 30, 2005 7:02 pm

<!--EZCODE ITALIC START--><em><!--EZCODE FONT START--><span style="font-size:small;">Met chief tried to delay shooting probe</span><!--EZCODE FONT END--> <br><br>Last Modified: 30 Sep 2005 <br>Source: ITN <br><br>Metropolitan Police chief Sir Ian Blair wrote a letter just hours after the death of Jean Charles de Menezes, trying to suspend the investigation into the shooting. <br><br>Obtained by ITV News, the letter to the Independent Police Complaints Commission from Sir Ian <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>tries to invoke special privileges</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> to delay the investigation. <br><br>On the day the Brazilian electrician was shot dead by police, Sir Ian wrote to Home Office Permanent Secretary Sir John Gieve saying he should be able to suspend as he saw fit a legal requirement to give material to the Independent Police Complaints Commission. <br><br>Sir Ian said revealing information to external investigators, as he was required to do under section 17 of the Police Reform Act, could compromise police tactics and intelligence sources and put lives at risk. <br><br>The existence of Sir Ian's letter, in which <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>he said he had decided the IPCC should not be allowed to investigate the shooting,</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> emerged six weeks ago but it was published in full by the Home Office today following a request under the Freedom of Information Act. <br><br>The letter was written hours after Mr de Menezes was wrongly identified as a suicide bomb suspect and shot at Stockwell Tube station, south London on July 22. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>The letter was wrongly headed with July 21, the date of the failed London suicide bombings.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>It was copied to IPCC chairman Nick Hardwick and Metropolitan Police Authority chairman Len Duvall. <br><br>Sir Ian has strongly denied that the letter was part of an attempted cover-up or that he tried to block an independent inquiry into the shooting to protect his officers. <br><br>He thought, at the time he wrote the letter, that the dead man was one of the four failed bombers. <br><br>Revealing details of the De Menezes case to outside investigators could <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>"put further lives at risk",</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> he said, and an internal police inquiry into the shooting should therefore be carried out instead. <br><br>Sir Ian wrote: "The current urgency is over the role of the IPCC. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>There is much concern about revealing either the tactics that we have and/or the sources of information on which we are operating.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>"I therefore believe that, in a fast-moving, multi-site terrorist situation, in which suicide bombers are clearly a very strong possibility, <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>a chief officer of police should be able to suspend section 17 of the Police Reform Act 2002,</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> which requires us to supply all information that the IPCC may require. <br><br>"The IPCC has a dual role in the sense that it, itself, is under a duty to provide as much information as it can to the complainant or to members of the deceased's family. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>This could put further lives at risk in these circumstances.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>"I have therefore given instructions that the shooting that has just occurred at Stockwell is not to be referred to the IPCC and that they will be given no access to the scene at the present time."</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>He added: "Clearly, this is a developing situation but for the time being I seek your support for this measure, <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>which may form the basis for amending legislation in the future</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END-->." <br><br>In his letter Sir Ian also revealed his own dissatisfaction with his controversial shoot-to-kill policy for suicide bomb suspects, codenamed Operation Kratos. <br><br>The implementation of the policy on the day of Mr de Menezes' death appears to have been mired in confusion. <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Sir Ian wrote: "In due course, I believe we need a document similar to the military rules of engagement but time does not permit its creation at the present time." Kratos was adopted as a policy more than two years ago.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>It was only 24 hours after the shooting that Sir Ian was told his officers had shot an innocent man and the IPCC were, ultimately, called in to investigate. <br><br>But IPCC officials claim Sir Ian's initial resistance to their involvement delayed investigations and that they have had to "work hard" to recover lost ground. <br><br>Its lawyers say <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>police breached their statutory duty</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> by not inviting the IPCC to begin investigating immediately and the delay of several days meant vital evidence could have been lost. <br><br><!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>Sir Ian maintains that because he believed Mr de Menezes was a suspected suicide bomber counter-terrorism operations had to take precedence over any independent inquiry.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--> <br><br>He admits the decision to exclude the IPCC may have turned out to be wrong but was a "responsible" decision at the time.</em><!--EZCODE ITALIC END--> <br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.channel4.com/news/content/news-storypage.jsp?id=13715">www.channel4.com/news/con...p?id=13715</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><br>I'm tempted to rage and rage at the way men called Blair "believed" something to be true and so were justified in breaking the law. So fuck off.<br>But I really cannot do it justice. <p></p><i></i>
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Re: De Menezes execution

Postby antiaristo » Wed Oct 05, 2005 5:42 am

This insider says the stated purpose of Kratos is extremely remote and that it does not conform with reality.<br>I wonder if he knows the true purpose is shoot-to-kill any suspected threat to Her Majesty?<br><br><br><!--EZCODE QUOTE START--><blockquote><strong><em>Quote:</em></strong><hr>Letters <br><br><br>Reckless strategy of shoot to kill <br><br>Wednesday October 5, 2005<br>The Guardian <br><br><br>The debate on "shoot to kill" and operation Kratos has missed the point (Brazil warns of climate of fear, September 30). The police have always had a "shoot to stop" policy. In the days of the Webley and Smith & Wesson handguns, with low-velocity ammunition, there was a 40% survival rate of persons who were shot in the torso. Shoot to stop became shoot to kill with the introduction of the Ruger pistol with high-velocity ammunition. The chances of surviving a double shot in the torso became nil. Shoot to stop now means shoot to kill.<br><br>The introduction of tactics derived from the Israeli security forces has further confused the issue. Operation Kratos directs armed police to make a double headshot when dealing with a known suicide bomber. The Israeli experience is that they are often confronted with a suicide bomber approaching a military checkpoint. If he fails to stop and comply with directions, he is shot dead through the head. I cannot imagine any scenario in the UK where a suicide bomber who is known to be carrying a bomb confronts armed police officers. <br><br>In reality the only way this could happen is if there is a witness who informs police that a suspect is carrying a bomb; the chances of this happening are remote. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>I find it astonishing that the police service would adopt tactics to deal with a remote possibility rather than with reality.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>Talking tough about shoot to kill and the "shot of excellence" through the mouth has tended to lower the caution level normally exercised by armed police. <!--EZCODE BOLD START--><strong>The tragic shooting of Mr De Menezes is the direct result of a reckless strategy and those responsible for its introduction and implementation must take as much share of the blame as those who fired the shots.</strong><!--EZCODE BOLD END--><br><br>John O'Connor<br>Former commander, Metropolitan police<hr></blockquote><!--EZCODE QUOTE END--> <p></p><i></i>
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Possible prosecutions?

Postby Peachtree Pam » Sat Oct 15, 2005 4:29 am

Anti,<br><br>What is your take on this? Will it be a whitewash, or will they actually prosecute the SAS men?<br><br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,22989-1826952,00.html">www.timesonline.co.uk/art...52,00.html</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><br>Police chief faces inquiry over de Menezes shooting<br>By Stewart Tendler, Crime Correspondent <br> <br> <br>THE police chief in command of the bungled “shoot-to-kill” operation that led to the death of Jean Charles de Menezes is among ten officers who have been formally warned that they could face disciplinary action. <br>Police watchdogs have served Commander Cressida Dick, the Oxford-educated “gold commander” on the day of the shooting, and the other officers with notices telling them that they will be questioned, according to police sources. <br> <br>The Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) has told the officers that they are under investigation and plans are now being laid for them to be questioned by investigators early next month. <br><br>Miss Dick and the other officers, who are all from junior ranks, are entitled to have lawyers present when they are interviewed during sessions likely to take some days. <br><br>The IPCC investigators are thought to have examined the roles of at least 26 undercover officers, marksmen and senior managers involved in the operation that ended with the death of Mr de Menezes, a 27-year-old electrician from Brazil. He was shot dead in a Northern Line train at Stockwell Underground station after being mistakenly identified as a suicide bomber. <br><br>On the day of the shooting, July 22, Miss Dick was in overall charge of a surveillance operation in Tooting, southwest London, as police searched for four failed suicide bombers. She took the decision to activate the Operation Kratos rules, which authorise the police to shoot to kill a suspected suicide bomber. <br><br>Two months ago, leaked witness statements from officers who took part in the botched operation revealed that Mr de Menezes was restrained by one of Scotland Yard’s surveillance team before being shot eight times as he sat on a Tube train. <br><br>Documents and photographs from the IPCC investigation also showed that one of the undercover team meant to be identifying the shot man was relieving himself as Mr de Menezes left his flat on July 22 and could not tell if the police had traced one of the alleged bombers. It is also suggested that Mr de Menezes could have been taken alive. <br><br>When Mr de Menezes was challenged by the police on the Northern Line train at Stockwell he did not make any aggressive move. Police claims at the time that the electrician was “behaving erratically” are alleged to be false. <br><br>Miss Dick and the other officers have been given what are known as Regulation 9 notices by investigators from the IPCC. The notices do not specify a possible charge, but they could range from a breach of duty to professional failings or negligence. <br><br>Miss Dick, 44, is one of the senior officers in the Yard’s specialist crimes directorate and heads a team of more than 300 officers as part of Operation Trident, which targets gun crime among black communities. <br><br>Commander John McDowall, the officer in charge of surveillance operations for the Anti-Terrorist Branch SO13, has not been served with a notice. Other officers, including the three marksmen from CO19, the specialist firearms unit, and Special Branch surveillance officers on the ground, have also been warned. <br><br>Disciplining Miss Dick would have to be overseen by the Metropolitan Police Authority, rather than Scotland Yard, because of her senior rank. <br><br>Before deciding on any disciplinary action the IPCC is expected to send a report to Ken Macdonald, QC, the Director of Public Prosecutions, to consider any possible criminal charges. <br><br>In normal circumstances the marksman decides whether or not to fire depending on the threat. When the Kratos “shoot-to-kill” policy was agreed by all chief constables two years ago, the police took legal advice. <br><br>They were advised that the policy was legal, but Kratos transfers some responsibility to the senior officer who authorises its use and he or she might also be held responsible for any death alongside the marksmen who pull the trigger.<br> <br> <br> <p></p><i></i>
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Re: Possible prosecutions?

Postby antiaristo » Sat Oct 15, 2005 9:57 am

Pam,<br>Well, it's clear they will try a whitewash. They're not even going to acknowledge the SAS contingent, let alone prosecute.<br><br>Why target Special Branch surveillance when it was the army man taking a piss? Indeed why conceal the fact that he was an army man and call him "one of the undercover team"?<br><br>Why scapegoat Cressida Dick when she commanded only half of the operation? Her man (Hotel 3) had restrained de Menezes when somebody unknown to him shot him dead.<br><br>Why "lay plans to question them early next month"? Have they STILL not been questioned?<br><br>Short version? Cressida Dick = Janis Karpinski.<br><br>. Lower level police = Graner, Lyndie et al<br><br>. SAS = Other Government Agencies<br><br>WHERE IS THE FUCKING UNION?<br>(NB Glenn Smyth, the head of the Police Officers Association, is an admitted Freemason. The Guardian Diary has had LOTS of run-ins with him.)<br><br>And of course what of the man who authorised Kratos, took "legal advice" (not what it seems), lied to the public and tried to prevent any investigation? <p></p><i>Edited by: <A HREF=http://p216.ezboard.com/brigorousintuition.showUserPublicProfile?gid=antiaristo>antiaristo</A> at: 10/15/05 4:14 pm<br></i>
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The NYT article

Postby Peachtree Pam » Sun Oct 16, 2005 5:07 am

October 16, 2005<br>The Miller Case: A Notebook, a Cause, a Jail Cell and a Deal <br>By DON VAN NATTA Jr., ADAM LIPTAK and CLIFFORD J. LEVY<br>In a notebook belonging to Judith Miller, a reporter for The New York Times, amid notations about Iraq and nuclear weapons, appear two small words: "Valerie Flame." <br><br>Ms. Miller should have written Valerie Plame. That name is at the core of a federal grand jury investigation that has reached deep into the White House. At issue is whether Bush administration officials leaked the identity of Ms. Plame, an undercover C.I.A. operative, to reporters as part of an effort to blunt criticism of the president's justification for the war in Iraq.<br><br>Ms. Miller spent 85 days in jail for refusing to testify and reveal her confidential source, then relented. On Sept. 30, she told the grand jury that her source was I. Lewis Libby, the vice president's chief of staff. But she said he did not reveal Ms. Plame's name. <br><br>And when the prosecutor in the case asked her to explain how "Valerie Flame" appeared in the same notebook she used in interviewing Mr. Libby, Ms. Miller said she "didn't think" she heard it from him. "I said I believed the information came from another source, whom I could not recall," she wrote on Friday, recounting her testimony for an article that appears today.<br><br>Whether Ms. Miller's testimony will prove valuable to the prosecution remains unclear, as do its ramifications for press freedom. Yet an examination of Ms. Miller's decision not to testify, and then to do so, offers fresh information about her role in the investigation and how The New York Times turned her case into a cause.<br><br>The grand jury investigation centers on whether administration officials leaked the identity of Ms. Plame, whose husband, a former diplomat named Joseph C. Wilson IV, became a public critic of the Iraq war in July 2003. But Ms. Miller said Mr. Libby first raised questions about the diplomat in an interview with her that June, an account suggesting that Mr. Wilson was on the White House's radar before he went public with his criticisms. <br><br>Once Ms. Miller was issued a subpoena in August 2004 to testify about her conversations with Mr. Libby, she and The Times vowed to fight it. Behind the scenes, however, her lawyer made inquiries to see if Mr. Libby would release her from their confidentiality agreement. Ms. Miller said she decided not to testify in part because she thought that Mr. Libby's lawyer might be signaling to keep her quiet unless she would exonerate his client. The lawyer denies that, and Mr. Libby did not respond to requests for an interview.<br><br>As Ms. Miller, 57, remained resolute and moved closer to going to jail for her silence, the leadership of The Times stood squarely behind her. <br><br>"She'd given her pledge of confidentiality," said Arthur Sulzberger Jr., the publisher. "She was prepared to honor that. We were going to support her."<br><br>But Mr. Sulzberger and the paper's executive editor, Bill Keller, knew few details about Ms. Miller's conversations with her confidential source other than his name. They did not review Ms. Miller's notes. Mr. Keller said he learned about the "Valerie Flame" notation only this month. Mr. Sulzberger was told about it by Times reporters on Thursday.<br><br>Interviews show that the paper's leaders, in taking what they considered to be a principled stand, ultimately left the major decisions in the case up to Ms. Miller, an intrepid reporter whom editors found hard to control.<br><br>"This car had her hand on the wheel because she was the one at risk," Mr. Sulzberger said.<br><br>Once Ms. Miller was jailed, her lawyers were in open conflict about whether she should stay there. She had refused to reopen communications with Mr. Libby for a year, saying she did not want to pressure a source into waiving confidentiality. But in the end, saying "I owed it to myself" after two months of jail, she had her lawyer reach out to Mr. Libby. This time, hearing directly from her source, she accepted his permission and was set free.<br><br>"We have everything to be proud of and nothing to apologize for," Ms. Miller said in an interview Friday.<br><br>Neither The Times nor its cause has emerged unbruised. Three courts, including the Supreme Court, declined to back Ms. Miller. Critics said The Times was protecting not a whistle-blower but an administration campaign intended to squelch dissent. The Times's coverage of itself was under assault: While the editorial page had crusaded on Ms. Miller's behalf, the news department had more than once been scooped on the paper's own story, even including the news of Ms. Miller's release from jail.<br><br>Asked what she regretted about The Times's handling of the matter, Jill Abramson, a managing editor, said: "The entire thing."<br><br>A Divisive Newsroom Figure<br><br>In the spring of 2003, Ms. Miller returned from covering the war in Iraq, where she had been embedded with an American military team searching unsuccessfully for evidence of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. Back in the States, another battle was brewing.<br><br>Ms. Miller had written a string of articles before the war - often based on the accounts of Bush administration officials and Iraqi defectors - strongly suggesting that Saddam Hussein was developing these weapons of mass destruction.<br><br>When no evidence of them was found, her reporting, along with that of some other journalists, came under fire. She was accused of writing articles that helped the Bush administration make its case for war.<br><br>"I told her there was unease, discomfort, unhappiness over some of the coverage," said Roger Cohen, who was the foreign editor at the time. "There was concern that she'd been convinced in an unwarranted way, a way that was not holding up, of the possible existence of W.M.D."<br><br>It was a blow to the reputation of Ms. Miller, an investigative reporter who has worked at The Times for three decades. Ms. Miller is known for her expertise in intelligence and security issues and her ability to cultivate relationships with influential sources in government. In 2002, she was part of a team of Times reporters that won a Pulitzer Prize for articles on Al Qaeda.<br><br>Inside the newsroom, she was a divisive figure. A few colleagues refused to work with her. <br><br>"Judy is a very intelligent, very pushy reporter," said Stephen Engelberg, who was Ms. Miller's editor at The Times for six years and is now a managing editor at The Oregonian in Portland. "Like a lot of investigative reporters, Judy benefits from having an editor who's very interested and involved with what she's doing."<br><br>In the year after Mr. Engelberg left the paper in 2002, though, Ms. Miller operated with a degree of autonomy rare at The Times.<br><br>Douglas Frantz, who succeeded Mr. Engelberg as the investigative editor, said that Ms. Miller once called herself "Miss Run Amok."<br><br>"I said, 'What does that mean?' " said Mr. Frantz, who was recently appointed managing editor at The Los Angeles Times. "And she said, 'I can do whatever I want.' "<br><br>Ms. Miller said she remembered the remark only vaguely but must have meant it as a joke, adding, "I have strong elbows, but I'm not a dope."<br><br>Ms. Miller said she was proud of her journalism career, including her work on Al Qaeda, biological warfare and Islamic militancy. But she acknowledged serious flaws in her articles on Iraqi weapons.<br><br>"W.M.D. - I got it totally wrong," she said. "The analysts, the experts and the journalists who covered them - we were all wrong. If your sources are wrong, you are wrong. I did the best job that I could."<br><br>In two interviews, Ms. Miller generally would not discuss her interactions with editors, elaborate on the written account of her grand jury testimony or allow reporters to review her notes. <br><br>On July 30, 2003, Mr. Keller became executive editor after his predecessor, Howell Raines, was dismissed after a fabrication scandal involving a young reporter named Jayson Blair. <br><br>Within a few weeks, in one of his first personnel moves, Mr. Keller told Ms. Miller that she could no longer cover Iraq and weapons issues. Even so, Mr. Keller said, "she kept kind of drifting on her own back into the national security realm." <br><br>Although criticism of Ms. Miller's Iraq coverage mounted, Mr. Keller waited until May 26, 2004, to publish an editors' note that criticized some of the paper's coverage of the run-up to the war.<br><br>The note said the paper's articles on unconventional weapons were credulous. It did not name any reporters and said the failures were institutional. Five of the six articles called into question were written or co-written by Ms. Miller.<br><br>'A Good-Faith Source'<br><br>On June 23, 2003, Ms. Miller visited Mr. Libby at the Old Executive Office Building in Washington. Mr. Libby was the vice president's top aide and had played an important role in shaping the argument for going to war in Iraq. He was "a good-faith source who was usually straight with me," Ms. Miller said in an interview.<br><br>Her assignment was to write an article about the failure to find unconventional weapons in Iraq. She said Mr. Libby wanted to talk about a diplomat's fact-finding trip in 2002 to the African nation of Niger to determine whether Iraq sought uranium there. The diplomat was Mr. Wilson, and his wife worked for the C.I.A.<br><br>Mr. Wilson had already become known among Washington insiders as a fierce Bush critic. He would go public the next month, accusing the White House in an opinion article in The Times of twisting intelligence to exaggerate the Iraqi threat. <br><br>But Mr. Libby was already defending Vice President Dick Cheney, saying his boss knew nothing about Mr. Wilson or his findings. Ms. Miller said her notes leave open the possibility that Mr. Libby told her Mr. Wilson's wife might work at the agency. <br><br>On July 8, two days after Mr. Wilson's article appeared in The Times, the reporter and her source met again, for breakfast at the St. Regis Hotel, near the White House.<br><br>The notebook Ms. Miller used that day includes the reference to "Valerie Flame." But she said the name did not appear in the same portion of her notebook as the interview notes from Mr. Libby. <br><br>During the breakfast, Mr. Libby provided a detail about Ms. Wilson, saying she worked in a C.I.A. unit known as Winpac; the name stands for weapons intelligence, nonproliferation and arms control. Ms. Miller said she understood this to mean that Ms. Wilson was an analyst rather than an undercover operative.<br><br>Ms. Miller returned to the subject on July 12 in a phone call with Mr. Libby. Another variant on Valerie Wilson's name - "Victoria Wilson" - appears in the notes of that call. Ms. Miller had by then called other sources about Mr. Wilson's wife. In an interview, she would not discuss her sources. <br><br>Two days later, on July 14, Robert D. Novak, the syndicated columnist, wrote that Mr. Wilson's wife had suggested sending him to Niger, citing "two administration sources." He went on to say, without attributing the information, that Mr. Wilson's wife, "Valerie Plame, is an agency operative on weapons of mass destruction."<br><br>Ms. Miller's article on the hunt for missing weapons was published on July 20, 2003. It acknowledged that the hunt could turn out to be fruitless but focused largely on the obstacles the searchers faced. <br><br>Neither that article nor any in the following months by Ms. Miller discussed Mr. Wilson or his wife.<br><br>It is not clear why. Ms. Miller said in an interview that she "made a strong recommendation to my editor" that an article be pursued. "I was told no," she said. She would not identify the editor.<br><br>Ms. Abramson, the Washington bureau chief at the time, said Ms. Miller never made any such recommendation.<br><br>In the fall of 2003, after The Washington Post reported that "two top White House officials disclosed Plame's identity to at least six Washington journalists," Philip Taubman, Ms. Abramson's successor as Washington bureau chief, asked Ms. Miller and other Times reporters whether they were among the six. Ms. Miller denied it.<br><br>"The answer was generally no," Mr. Taubman said. Ms. Miller said the subject of Mr. Wilson and his wife had come up in casual conversation with government officials, Mr. Taubman said, but Ms. Miller said "she had not been at the receiving end of a concerted effort, a deliberate organized effort to put out information."<br><br>Enter a Special Prosecutor<br><br>The Novak column prompted a criminal investigation into whether government officials had violated a 1982 law that makes it a crime in some circumstances to disclose the identity of an undercover agent. At the end of December 2003, the United States attorney in Chicago, Patrick J. Fitzgerald, was appointed special prosecutor. <br><br>Around the same time, F.B.I. investigators working for Mr. Fitzgerald asked officials in the White House, including Mr. Libby, to sign waivers instructing reporters that they could disregard earlier promises of confidentiality and reveal who their sources were. <br><br>When Ms. Miller was subpoenaed in the investigation in August 2004, The Times immediately retained Floyd Abrams, who had often represented the paper and is a noted First Amendment lawyer. <br><br>The Times said it believes that attempts by prosecutors to force reporters to reveal confidential information must be resisted. Otherwise, it argues, the public would be deprived of important information about the government and other powerful institutions. <br><br>The fact that Ms. Miller's judgment had been questioned in the past did not affect its stance. "The default position in a case like that is you support the reporter," Mr. Keller said.<br><br>It was in these early days that Mr. Keller and Mr. Sulzberger learned Mr. Libby's identity. Neither man asked Ms. Miller detailed questions about her conversations with him. <br><br>Both said they viewed the case as a matter of principle, which made the particulars less important. "I didn't interrogate her about the details of the interview," Mr. Keller said. "I didn't ask to see her notes. And I really didn't feel the need to do that."<br><br>Still, Mr. Keller said the case was not ideal: "I wish it had been a clear-cut whistle-blower case. I wish it had been a reporter who came with less public baggage." <br><br>Times lawyers warned company executives that they would have trouble persuading a judge to excuse Ms. Miller from testifying. The Supreme Court decided in 1972 that the First Amendment offers reporters no protection from grand jury subpoenas.<br><br>Ms. Miller authorized Mr. Abrams to talk to Mr. Libby's lawyer, Joseph A. Tate. The question was whether Mr. Libby really wanted her to testify. Mr. Abrams passed the details of his conversation with Mr. Tate along to Ms. Miller and to Times executives and lawyers, people involved in the internal discussion said. <br><br>People present at the meetings said that what they heard about the preliminary negotiations was troubling.<br><br>Mr. Abrams told Ms. Miller and the group that Mr. Tate had said she was free to testify. Mr. Abrams said Mr. Tate also passed along some information about Mr. Libby's grand jury testimony: that he had not told Ms. Miller the name or undercover status of Mr. Wilson's wife. <br><br>That raised a potential conflict for Ms. Miller. Did the references in her notes to "Valerie Flame" and "Victoria Wilson" suggest that she would have to contradict Mr. Libby's account of their conversations? Ms. Miller said in an interview that she concluded that Mr. Tate was sending her a message that Mr. Libby did not want her to testify.<br><br>According to Ms. Miller, this was what Mr. Abrams told her about his conversation with Mr. Tate: "He was pressing about what you would say. When I wouldn't give him an assurance that you would exonerate Libby, if you were to cooperate, he then immediately gave me this, 'Don't go there, or, we don't want you there.' "<br><br>Mr. Abrams said: "On more than one occasion, Mr. Tate asked me for a recitation of what Ms. Miller would say. I did not provide one."<br><br>In an e-mail message Friday, Mr. Tate called Ms. Miller's interpretation "outrageous."<br><br>"I never once suggested that she should not testify," Mr. Tate wrote. "It was just the opposite. I told Mr. Abrams that the waiver was voluntary."<br><br>He added: " 'Don't go there' or 'We don't want you there' is not something I said, would say, or ever implied or suggested." <br><br>Telling another witness about grand jury testimony is lawful as long as it is not an attempt to influence the other witness's testimony. <br><br>"Judy believed Libby was afraid of her testimony," Mr. Keller said, noting that he did not know the basis for the fear. "She thought Libby had reason to be afraid of her testimony."<br><br>Ms. Miller and the paper decided at that point not to pursue additional negotiations with Mr. Tate.<br><br>The two sides did not talk for a year.<br><br>Ms. Miller said in an interview that she was waiting for Mr. Libby to call her, but he never did. "I interpreted the silence as, 'Don't testify,' " Ms. Miller said.<br><br>She and her lawyers have also said it was inappropriate for them to hound a source for permission to testify.<br><br>Mr. Tate, for his part, said the silence of the Miller side was mystifying. <br><br>"You never told me," Mr. Tate wrote to Mr. Abrams recently, "that your client did not accept my representation of voluntariness or that she wanted to speak personally to my client." Mr. Abrams does not dispute that.<br><br>Talks between Ms. Miller's lawyer and the prosecutor, Mr. Fitzgerald, were at a dead end, too. <br><br>Not long after breaking off communications with Mr. Tate, Mr. Abrams spoke to Mr. Fitzgerald twice in September 2004. Mr. Abrams wanted to narrow the scope of the questions Ms. Miller would be asked if she testified before the grand jury.<br><br>Mr. Abrams said he wanted Mr. Fitzgerald to question Ms. Miller only on her conversations with Mr. Libby about Ms. Wilson. And he wanted a promise that Mr. Fitzgerald would not call her back for further questioning after she testified once.<br><br>Mr. Fitzgerald said no. His spokesman declined to comment for this article.<br><br>With negotiations at an impasse, Ms. Miller and The Times turned to the courts but were rebuffed. In October 2004, Chief Judge Thomas F. Hogan of the Federal District Court in Washington held Ms. Miller in contempt for not testifying. She remained free while she pursued appeals.<br><br>A few weeks later on Capitol Hill, in November 2004, Ms. Miller bumped into Robert S. Bennett, the prominent Washington criminal lawyer who represented President Bill Clinton during the Monica Lewinsky scandal and who is known for his blunt style and deal-making skills. <br><br>Ms. Miller recalled Mr. Bennett saying while he signed on to her case: "I don't want to represent a principle. I want to represent Judy Miller."<br><br>After the Supreme Court declined to hear the case, Ms. Miller made a final plea to Judge Hogan to stay out of jail: "My motive here is straightforward. A promise of confidentiality once made must be respected, or the journalist will lose all credibility and the public will, in the end, suffer."<br><br>Judge Hogan ordered her jailed at Alexandria Detention Center in Northern Virginia until she agreed to testify or the grand jury's term expired on Oct. 28.<br><br>"She has the keys to release herself," the judge said. "She has a waiver she chooses not to recognize."<br><br>Rising Tensions at Newspaper<br><br>While the paper's leaders were rallying around Ms. Miller's cause in public, inside The Times tensions were growing.<br><br>Throughout this year, reporters at the paper spent weeks trying to determine the identity of Ms. Miller's source. All the while, Mr. Keller knew it, but declined to tell his own reporters. <br><br>Even after reporters learned it from outside sources, The Times did not publish Mr. Libby's name, though other news organizations already had. The Times did not tell its readers that Mr. Libby was Ms. Miller's source until Sept. 30, in an article about Ms. Miller's release from jail.<br><br>Mr. Keller said that before Ms. Miller went to jail, Mr. Sulzberger, the publisher, asked him to participate in meetings on legal strategy and public statements. Mr. Keller said he then turned over the supervision of the newspaper's coverage of the case to Ms. Abramson, though he said he did not entirely step aside.<br><br>"It was just too awkward," Mr. Keller said, "to have me coming from meetings where they were discussing the company's public posture, then overseeing stories that were trying to deal with the company's public posture."<br><br>Ms. Abramson called The Times's coverage of the case "constrained." She said that if Ms. Miller was willing to go to jail to protect her source, it would have been "unconscionable then to out her source in the pages of the paper."<br><br>Mr. Keller and Ms. Abramson said this created an almost impossible tension between covering the case and the principle they believed to be at the heart of it. <br><br>Some reporters said editors seemed reluctant to publish articles about other aspects of the case as well, like how it was being investigated by Mr. Fitzgerald. In July, Richard W. Stevenson and other reporters in the Washington bureau wrote an article about the role of Mr. Cheney's senior aides, including Mr. Libby, in the leak case. The article, which did not disclose that Mr. Libby was Ms. Miller's source, was not published.<br><br>Mr. Stevenson said he was told by his editors that the article did not break enough new ground. "It was taken pretty clearly among us as a signal that we were cutting too close to the bone, that we were getting into an area that could complicate Judy's situation," he said.<br><br>In August, Douglas Jehl and David Johnston, two other Washington reporters, sent a memo to the Washington bureau chief, Mr. Taubman, listing ideas for coverage of the case. Mr. Taubman said Mr. Keller did not want them pursued because of the risk of provoking Mr. Fitzgerald or exposing Mr. Libby while Ms. Miller was in jail.<br><br>Mr. Taubman said he felt bad for his reporters, but he added that he and other senior editors felt that they had no choice. "No editor wants to be in the position of keeping information out of the newspaper," Mr. Taubman said.<br><br>Both Mr. Taubman and Ms. Abramson called the situation "excruciatingly difficult."<br><br>One result was that other news organizations broke developments in the case before The Times. Reporters found it especially frustrating when on the day that Ms. Miller left jail, The Times had an article prepared at 2 p.m. but delayed posting it on its Web site until after the news appeared on the Web site of The Philadelphia Inquirer. <br><br>"We end up being late on our own story," Mr. Johnston said.<br><br>There were other awkward moments. On Oct. 7, shortly before Ms. Miller was to conduct a telephone interview with two Times reporters, George Freeman, a Times company lawyer, sent her a four-page memorandum.<br><br>Ms. Miller and her outside lawyer, Mr. Bennett, reacted furiously, calling it a "script" and nearly canceling the interview. Mr. Freeman said later that he had prepared and sent what he called a "narrative" of what happened to Ms. Miller. Mr. Freeman said it had been written long before the interview with Ms. Miller had even been contemplated. <br><br>"It was not meant to be a script," Mr. Freeman said.<br><br>The editorial page, which is run by Mr. Sulzberger and Gail Collins, the editorial page editor, championed Ms. Miller's cause. The Times published more than 15 editorials and called for Congress to pass a shield law that would make it harder for federal prosecutors to compel reporters to testify.<br><br>Mr. Sulzberger said he did not personally write the editorials, but regularly urged Ms. Collins to devote space to them. After Ms. Miller was jailed, an editorial acknowledged that "this is far from an ideal case," before saying, "If Ms. Miller testifies, it may be immeasurably harder in the future to persuade a frightened government employee to talk about malfeasance in high places."<br><br>Asked in the interview whether he had any regrets about the editorials, given the outcome of the case, Mr. Sulzberger said no.<br><br>"I felt strongly that, one, Judy deserved the support of the paper in this cause - and the editorial page is the right place for such support, not the news pages," Mr. Sulzberger said. "And secondly, that this issue of a federal shield law is really important to the nation."<br><br>Ms. Miller said the publisher's support was invaluable. "He galvanized the editors, the senior editorial staff," she said. "He metaphorically and literally put his arm around me."<br><br>More Thoughts of a Waiver<br><br>Inside her cell in the Alexandria Detention Center this summer, Ms. Miller was able to peer through a narrow concrete slit to get an obstructed view of a maple tree and a concrete highway barrier. She was losing weight and struggling to sleep on two thin mats on a concrete slab.<br><br>Although she told friends that she was feeling isolated and frustrated, Ms. Miller said she comforted herself with thousands of letters, the supportive editorials in The Times and frequent 30-minute visits from more than 100 friends and colleagues. Among them were Mr. Sulzberger; Tom Brokaw, the former anchor at NBC News; Richard A. Clarke, a former counterterrorism official; and John R. Bolton, the United States ambassador to the United Nations.<br><br>Every day, she checked outdated copies of The Times for a news article about her case. Most days she was disappointed.<br><br>She said she began thinking about whether she should reach out to Mr. Libby for "a personal, voluntary waiver."<br><br>"The longer I was there, the more chance I had to think about it," Ms. Miller said.<br><br>On July 20, William Safire, the former longtime columnist at The Times, testified about a federal shield law on Capitol Hill. Ms. Miller read his testimony and found it "inspiring." <br><br>While she mulled over her options, Mr. Bennett was urging her to allow him to approach Mr. Tate, Mr. Libby's lawyer, to try to negotiate a deal that would get her out of jail. Mr. Bennett wanted to revive the question of the waivers that Mr. Libby and other administration officials signed the previous year authorizing reporters to disclose their confidential discussions.<br><br>The other reporters subpoenaed in the case said such waivers were coerced. They said administration officials signed them only because they feared retribution from the prosecutor or the White House. Reporters for at least three news organizations had then gone back to their sources and obtained additional assurances that convinced them the waivers were genuine.<br><br>But Ms. Miller said she had not gotten an assurance that she felt would allow her to testify. And she said she felt that if Mr. Libby had wanted her to testify, he would have contacted her directly.<br><br>While Mr. Bennett urged Ms. Miller to test the waters, some of her other lawyers were counseling caution. Mr. Freeman, The Times's company lawyer, and Mr. Abrams worried that if Ms. Miller sought and received permission to testify and was released from jail, people would say that she and the newspaper had simply caved in.<br><br>"I was afraid that people would draw the wrong conclusions," Mr. Freeman said.<br><br>Mr. Freeman advised Ms. Miller to remain in jail until Oct. 28, when the term of the grand jury would expire and the investigation would presumably end.<br><br>Mr. Bennett thought that was a bad strategy; he argued that Mr. Fitzgerald would "almost certainly" empanel a new grand jury, which might mean Ms. Miller would have to spend an additional 18 months behind bars.<br><br>Mr. Freeman said he thought Mr. Fitzgerald was bluffing. Mr. Abrams was less sure. But he said Judge Hogan might release Ms. Miller if Mr. Fitzgerald tried to take further action against her.<br><br>"At that point," Ms. Miller said, "I realized if and when he did that, objectively things would change, and at that point, I might really be locked in." <br><br>After much deliberation, Ms. Miller said, she finally told Mr. Bennett to call Mr. Libby's lawyer. After two months in jail, Ms. Miller said, "I owed it to myself to see whether or not Libby had had a change of heart, the special prosecutor had had a change of heart."<br><br>Mr. Bennett called Mr. Tate on Aug. 31. Mr. Tate told Mr. Bennett that Mr. Libby had given permission to Ms. Miller to testify a year earlier. "I called Tate and this guy could not have been clearer - 'Bob, my client has given a waiver,' " Mr. Bennett said.<br><br>Mr. Fitzgerald wrote to Mr. Tate on Sept. 12, saying he was concerned that Ms. Miller was still in jail because of a "misunderstanding" between her and Mr. Libby. <br><br>Three days later, Ms. Miller heard from Mr. Libby.<br><br>In a folksy, conversational two-page letter dated Sept. 15, Mr. Libby assured Ms. Miller that he had wanted her to testify about their conversations all along. "I believed a year ago, as now, that testimony by all will benefit all," he wrote. And he noted that "the public report of every other reporter's testimony makes clear that they did not discuss Ms. Plame's name or identity with me."<br><br>When Ms. Miller testified before the grand jury, Mr. Fitzgerald asked her about the letter. She said she responded that it could be perceived as an effort by Mr. Libby "to suggest that I, too, would say that we had not discussed Ms. Plame's identity." But she added that "my notes suggested that we had discussed her job."<br><br>Ms. Miller, though, wanted more than Mr. Libby's letter to feel free to testify. She told her lawyers that she still needed to hear from Mr. Libby in person. When that could not be arranged, she settled for a 10-minute jailhouse conference call on Sept. 19 with Mr. Libby, while two of her lawyers and one of Mr. Libby's listened in.<br><br>Ms. Miller said she was persuaded. "I mean, it's like the tone of the voice," she said. "When he talked to me about how unhappy he was that I was in jail, that he hadn't fully understood that I might have been going to jail just to protect him. He had thought there were other people whom I had been protecting. And there was kind of like an expression of genuine concern and sorrow."<br><br>Ms. Miller said she then "cross-examined" Mr. Libby. "When I pushed him hard, I said: 'Do you really want me to testify? Are you sure you really want me to testify?' He said something like: 'Absolutely. Believe it. I mean it.' "<br><br>At 1 p.m. on Sept. 26, Ms. Miller convened her lawyers in the jailhouse law library. All the lawyers agreed that Mr. Libby had released Ms. Miller from the pledge of confidentiality.<br><br>The next day, Mr. Bennett called Mr. Fitzgerald. He informed the prosecutor that Ms. Miller had a voluntary, personal waiver and asked Mr. Fitzgerald to restrict his questions to her conversations with Mr. Libby. <br><br>Mr. Bennett, who by now had carefully reviewed Ms. Miller's extensive notes taken from two interviews with Mr. Libby, assured Mr. Fitzgerald that Ms. Miller had only one meaningful source. Mr. Fitzgerald agreed to limit his questions to Mr. Libby and the Wilson matter.<br><br>Claudia Payne, a Times editor and a close friend of Ms. Miller, said that once Ms. Miller realized that her jail term could be extended, "it changed things a great deal. She said, 'I don't want to spend my life in here.' "<br><br>Ms. Payne added, "Her paramount concern was how her actions would be viewed by her colleagues."<br><br>On Sept. 29, Ms. Miller was released from jail and whisked by Mr. Sulzberger and Mr. Keller to the Ritz-Carlton Georgetown for a massage, a manicure, a martini and a steak dinner. The next morning, she testified before the grand jury for three hours. Afterward, Ms. Miller declared that her ordeal was a victory for journalists and the public.<br><br>She testified before the grand jury for a second time on Wednesday about notes from her first meeting with Mr. Libby. <br><br>Last week, Mr. Sulzberger said it was impossible to know whether Ms. Miller could have struck a deal a year earlier, as at least four other journalists had done.<br><br>"Maybe a deal was possible earlier," Mr. Sulzberger said. "And maybe, in retrospect, looking back, you could say this was a moment you could have jumped on. If so, shame on us. I tend to think not."<br><br>A Puzzling Outcome<br><br>On Oct. 3, four days after Ms. Miller left jail, she returned to the headquarters of The New York Times on West 43rd Street. <br><br>Before entering the building, she called her friend Ms. Payne and asked her to come downstairs and escort her in. "She very felt frightened," Ms. Payne said. "She felt very vulnerable." <br><br>At a gathering in the newsroom, she made a speech claiming victories for press freedom. Her colleagues responded with restrained applause, seemingly as mystified by the outcome of her case as the public. (Video From Miller's Speech)<br><br>"You could see it in people's faces," Ms. Miller said later. "I'm a reporter. People were confused and perplexed, and I realized then that The Times and I hadn't done a very good job of making people understand what has been accomplished."<br><br>In the days since, The Times has been consumed by discussions about how the newspaper handled the case, how Times journalists covered the news of their own paper - and about Ms. Miller herself.<br><br>"Everyone admires our paper's willingness to stand behind us and our work, but most people I talk to have been troubled and puzzled by Judy's seeming ability to operate outside of conventional reportorial channels and managerial controls," said Todd S. Purdum, a Washington reporter for The Times. "Partly because of that, many people have worried about whether this was the proper fight to fight."<br><br>Diana B. Henriques, a business reporter, said she and others at the paper took "great pride and comfort" in how The Times stood by Ms. Miller. But she said the episode and speculation surrounding it "left a lot of people feeling confused and anxious" about Ms. Miller's role in the investigation.<br><br>On Tuesday, Ms. Miller is to receive a First Amendment award from the Society of Professional Journalists. She said she thought she would write a book about her experiences in the leak case, although she added that she did not yet have a book deal. She also plans on taking some time off but says she hopes to return to the newsroom. <br><br>She said she hopes to cover "the same thing I've always covered - threats to our country." <br><br>The Times incurred millions of dollars in legal fees in Ms. Miller's case. It limited its own ability to cover aspects of one of the biggest scandals of the day. Even as the paper asked for the public's support, it was unable to answer its questions.<br><br>"It's too early to judge it, and it's probably for other people to judge," said Mr. Keller, the executive editor. "I hope that people will remember that this institution stood behind a reporter, and the principle, when it wasn't easy to do that, or popular to do that." <br><br> <p></p><i></i>
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Jeff,

Postby Peachtree Pam » Sun Oct 16, 2005 5:52 am

can you remove the above post on Judith Miller, it's in the wrong thread! <p></p><i></i>
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Met chief may resign

Postby Peachtree Pam » Sun Oct 16, 2005 5:56 am

From the Times:<br><br>The Sunday Times October 16, 2005 <br><br>Met boss: I may be forced to quit<br>Robert Winnett and David Leppard<br><br> <br>SIR IAN BLAIR, the Metropolitan police commissioner, has admitted he may soon be forced to resign over the shooting of an innocent Brazilian man on the London Underground.<br> <br>Britain’s top policeman told a private gathering of business leaders and officials last week that he might have to go “fairly soon” over the killing of Jean Charles de Menezes. <br><br> <br> <br>Describing the pressure he faced over the botched operation, he said: “Where does resignation end? Of course, it might end fairly soon.” <br><br>He added: “I’d much rather resign than be pushed.” <br><br>Blair’s comments, made to the Windsor Leadership Trust, indicate his recognition that the pressure on him is building to a critical point. At the time of the shooting he considered resigning but ruled it out. <br><br>Senior police officers say the inquiry into the operation will reveal a “horror story” when it is completed before Christmas.One senior insider said: “He (Blair) has obviously been damaged. His own self-confidence has been damaged. You can see that he looks visibly older.” <br><br>Blair disclosed at the meeting that his personal role in the affair was now being investigated by the Independent Police Complaints Commission. Blair tried to block an immediate IPCC inquiry into the shooting at Stockwell Tube station. <br><br>In a letter to the Home Office, written just hours after the shooting, he said he should be able to suspend the legal requirement for an inquiry on national security grounds. He was overruled by Sir John Gieve, the Home Office’s most senior civil servant. <br><br>In his lecture on “leadership”, delivered last Wednesday, Blair indicated that mistakes had been made and that his officers had failed to stop certain information circulating in the media. This is thought to be a reference to the incorrect belief that de Menezes had been wearing a bulky coat and had vaulted the barrier when entering the station. <br><br>Blair also said that allowing subordinates to “make mistakes” was a key strength of a good manager. <br><br>He maintained that he had not tried to cover up the truth about the shooting. Lawyers representing the de Menezes family have said there was a “fatal delay” in starting the official inquiry. <br><br>Yesterday a Scotland Yard spokesman said Blair had made it clear in the speech that “it would be arrogant not to consider the issue of resignation in such circumstances but stressed he had no plans to resign”. <br><br>Those present last week included Lord Phillips, the new lord chief justice, and Sir Brian Burridge, the commander of British forces in the recent Gulf war. <br><br>At least 10 officers involved in the shooting are understood to have been served with police disciplinary notices. They include the marksmen from CO19, who fired 11 bullets at de Menezes after he boarded a train at Stockwell. Senior officers up to the rank of deputy assistant commissioner may also face manslaughter charges. <br><br>Blair has said he did not find out until the day after the shooting — on the morning of July 22 — that his officers had killed an innocent man. Five hours after the shooting he said it was “directly linked” to the hunt for the would-be suicide bombers of July 21. <br> <br> On July 23 Blair was still praising the Met for “playing out of its socks”, but at 5pm that day Scotland Yard issued a statement in which it admitted the shot man was not connected to the plot. <br>As the IPCC examines whether Blair made misleading public statements, it has emerged that some of his most senior officers were aware by the mid-afternoon of July 22 that de Menezes was innocent. A senior officer told The Sunday Times that Blair should have been in a position to know what his officers had found out by then. <br><br> <br> <br>Another insider said: “Serious doubts about whether they had shot the right man emerged very soon after the incident. All they had to do was look at the identity documents in his wallet to see that he wasn’t a terrorist.” <br><br>The commissioner is also likely to face difficulties over his decision to activate Operation Kratos, the secret guidelines which authorise police marksmen to shoot suspected suicide bombers in the head. <br><br>The policy was drawn up by a special terrorism committee of the Association of Chief Police Officers in 2003. Many senior officers are, however, privately concerned about the legal basis of the policy. <br><br>Blair continues to defend the guidelines in public, but many other police chiefs have distanced themselves from the policy and several forces plan never to use it.<br><br> <br> <p></p><i></i>
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