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fruhmenschen » Tue Dec 08, 2015 2:38 pm wrote:Link du jour
http://www.poetv.com/video.php?vid=75226
1.
http://www.engadget.com/2015/12/07/fren ... blic-wifi/
French police want to ban public WiFi during emergencies
The 'Gendarmes' also want to ban the Tor network outright.
December 7 2015
The FBI isn't the only law enforcement agency that wants to restrict
privacy for the sake of national security. Following the Paris attacks
of November 13th, French police and gendarmes have submitted a wish
list of security measures for a new bill, according to a document
discovered by LeMonde. Among other things, police want to ban public
WiFi during states of emergency, "because of the difficulty of
identifying people connected to it," according to LeMonde. French law
enforcement also wants the Tor network banned completely and would
force companies like Microsoft to hand the encryption keys for apps
like Skype to police.
The bill could go up for a vote as early as January 2016, but there's
no guarantee that the proposed measures will be in the final draft,
let alone passed into law. In the US, the FBI has also requested that
companies like Facebook, Apple and Microsoft give it backdoor access
to encrypted voice, video and chat messages. However, companies have
pointed out that such measures would make such applications less
secure for everybody, or drive users to other apps.
The idea of banning Tor also seems unrealistic, given that it is a
loose, volunteer-run network with servers located around the world.
It's also used by journalists and other groups with legitimate needs
for privacy, and not just terrorists and drug dealers. The French
police proposal seems like it would be difficult to implement, and
also be problematic given that privacy is a huge concern across
Europe. With recent events, however, security has obviously become
2
for the uneducated and the uneducable
high school dropout can't find work so he joins the Marines to Semper
Fi
and collect some money.
High school dropout is sent to Paris Island to be all he can be. He is
trained to kill women and children and a occasional freedom fighter
trying to protect his wife from being raped by Mr Semper Fi.
High school dropout ships out to invade Iraq for USEmpire and US oil
companies.
American oil companies are struggling with the problem of Peak Oil.
Peak oil means we no longer have a infinite supply of oil.Maybe you
saw the documentary film END OF SUBURBIA see
http://www.endofsuburbia.com/previews.htm
high school drop out didn't because his high school teachers were too
busy DUMBING him down
see
http://www.johntaylorgatto.com/
http://www.johntaylorgatto.com/
High School dropout manages to kill a couple hundred women and
children while throwing in a occasional rape. Mr Sempi Fi has now been
transformed into Mr serial killer.
Mr high school dropout/serial killer now begins to experience extreme
depression from his actions. Mental Wealth workers call it Post
Traumatic
Stress Syndrome. But the only people who experience traumatic stress
in Iraq are the Iraqi women being raped by Semper Fi's before they
shot and killed them.
Good thing serial killer/high school dropout has never read the
research
of Ian Stevenson MD whose groundbreaking study of 3,000 children who
remember previous lives provides the science for the existence of
reincarnation. see
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituar ... enson.html
What this means for high school dropout is that he will be coming back
again for another life . Of course so will the people he murdered , so
for practical purposes he has another couple hundred lives he has to
live getting "wacked" by the life forms he semper fi'd.
The difference this time is the raped and murdered have had some time
to ponder while they wait for him to pass over, how they will "do" Mr
Semper Fi- the high school drop out serial killer.
Mr high school dropout comes back from Iraq out of work unless he
re-enlists. There are not to many job openings for serial killers
until he lands a job working with his be all you can be buddies at the
local police department or the FBI.
3.
http://www.alternet.org/drugs/drugs-fund-terrorism
The Narco Terror Trap
The DEA warns that drugs are funding terror. An examination of cases
raises questions about whether the agency is stopping threats or
staging them.
By Ginger Thompson / Pro Publica
December 7, 2015
IN DECEMBER 2009, Harouna Touré and Idriss Abdelrahman, smugglers from
northern Mali, walked through the doors of the Golden Tulip, a hotel
in Accra, Ghana. They were there to meet with two men who had offered
them an opportunity to make millions of dollars, transporting cocaine
across the Sahara. Touré wore a dashiki, and Abdelrahman had on
tattered clothes and a turban that hid much of his face. They tipped
the guards at the entrance and then greeted Mohamed, a Lebanese
radical, in the lobby. Mohamed took them up to a hotel room to see
David, a drug trafficker and a member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia, or FARC. “Hola, Colombiano,” Touré said, as he entered
the room. Abdelrahman tried to call David “007” in Spanish, but said
“477” instead. David, who was dressed in a short-sleeved pullover and
Bermuda shorts, laughed and offered his guests bottles of water.
Touré and Abdelrahman came from Gao, a parched and remote city in
northern Mali which has long been used as a base for smuggling of all
kinds, from immigrants to cigarettes. In recent years, the surrounding
region has also been the scene of conflict between violent bands of
nomadic insurgents, including members of al-Qaida in the Islamic
Maghreb (AQIM). During months of meetings and phone calls, David and
Mohamed had told Touré that the FARC had some 30,000 fighters at war
with the United States, and that it wanted to work with al-Qaida,
because the groups shared the same enemy. “They are our brothers,”
Mohamed said. “We have he same cause.” Touré had explained that he had
connections to the organization: he ran a transport company, and, in
return for safe passage for his trucks, he provided al-Qaida with food
and fuel.
Still, David remained skeptical. He needed assurances that Touré’s
organization was up to the task. The FARC had a lot of money riding on
the deal and was willing to pay Touré and Abdelrahman as much as
$3,000 per kilo, beginning with a 50-kilo test run to Melilla, a
Spanish city on the North African mainland. Loads ten times that size
would follow, David said, if the first trip went well.
“If you’re done, I’m going to speak,” Touré said. He told David and
Mohamed that he was tired of all the “blah, blah, blah.” He had
operatives along the smuggling route, which stretched from Ghana to
Morocco. Abdelrahman, whom Touré had introduced as the leader of a
Malian militia, said that he had hired a driver with links to
al-Qaida. They had also bribed a Malian military official, who would
help them cross the border without inspection.
David was reassured. “I want us to keep working together, because
we’re not doing this for the money — we’re doing this for our people,”
he said.
Two days later, Touré and Abdelrahman went back to the Golden Tulip to
collect their initial payment. Oumar Issa, a friend from Gao who was
also involved in the plan, waited at another hotel to receive his
portion. Instead, the smugglers were met by Ghanaian police officers.
David and Mohamed, it turned out, were not drug traffickers but
undercover informants for the United States Drug Enforcement
Administration. Within days, Touré, Abdelrahman, and Issa were turned
over to the DEA, put on a private jet, and flown to New York, where
they were arraigned in a federal courthouse. They were charged under a
little-known provision of the Patriot Act, passed in 2006, which
established a new crime, known as narco-terrorism, committed by
violent offenders who had one hand in terrorism and the other in the
drug trade.
In announcing the charges, Preet Bharara, the U.S. Attorney for the
Southern District of New York, said, “As terrorists diversify into
drugs, they provide us more opportunities to incapacitate them and cut
off funding for future acts of terror.” The case marked the first time
that the narco-terrorism provision had been used against al-Qaida.
The suspects appeared to be precisely the kind of hybrid whom the law,
which does not require that any of the targeted activities take place
in the U.S., had been written to catch. Michele Leonhart, the DEA
administrator at the time, said, “Today’s arrests are further proof of
the direct link between dangerous terrorist organizations, including
al-Qaida, and international drug trafficking that fuels their
activities.”
As the Malians’ case proceeded, however, its flaws became apparent. The
defendants emerged as more hapless than hardened, childhood friends
who believed that the DEA’s informants were going to make them rich.
“They were lying to us. And we were lying to them,” Touré told me from
prison. Judge Barbara Jones, who oversaw the final phases of the case,
said, “There was no actual involvement by the defendants or the
undercovers … in the activities of either al-Qaida or the FARC.”
Another judge saw as many problems with the statute as with the merits
of the case. “Congress has passed a law that attempts to bind the
world,” he said to me.
The investigation continues to be cited by the DEA as an example of
its national-security achievements. Since the narco-terrorism
provision was passed, the DEA has pursued dozens of cases that fit the
broad description of crimes under the statute. The agency has claimed
victories against al-Qaida, Hezbollah, the Taliban, and the FARC and
established the figure of the narco-terrorist as a preeminent threat to
the United States.
With each purported success, the DEA has lobbied Congress to increase
its funding. In 2012, Michael Braun, who had served as the DEA’s chief
of operations, testified before Congress about the link between
terrorists and drug traffickers: “Based on over 37 years in the
law-enforcement and security sectors, you can mark my word that they
are most assuredly talking business and sharing lessons learned.”
That may well be true. In a number of regions, most notably Colombia
and Afghanistan, there is convincing evidence that terrorists have
worked with drug traffickers. But a close examination of the cases that
the DEA has pursued reveals a disturbing number that resemble that of
the Malians. When these cases were prosecuted, the only links between
drug trafficking and terrorism entered into evidence were provided by
the DEA, using agents or informants who were paid hundreds of
thousands of dollars to lure the targets into staged narco-terrorism
conspiracies.
The DEA strongly defends the effectiveness of such sting operations,
claiming that they are a useful way to identify criminals who pose a
threat to the United States before they act. Lou Milione, a senior
official at the agency, told me, “One of the things the DEA is kind of
in the business of is almost all of our investigations are proactive.”
But Russell Hanks, a former senior American diplomat, who got a
firsthand look at some of the DEA’s narco-terrorism targets during the
time he served in West Africa, told me, “The DEA provided everything
these men needed to commit a crime, then said, ‘Wow, look what they
did.’” He added, “This wasn’t terrorism — this was the manipulation of
weak-minded people, in weak countries, in order to pad arrest
records.”
ON sEPT. 11, 2001, when American Airlines Flight 77 crashed into the
Pentagon, DEA agents were among the first to respond, racing from their
headquarters, less than half a mile away. A former special agent named
Edward Follis, in his memoir, “The Dark Art,” recalls how he and
dozens of his colleagues “rushed over … to pull out bodies, but there
were no bodies to pull out.” The agency had outposts in more than 60
countries around the world, the most of any federal law-enforcement
agency. And it had some 5,000 informants and confidential sources.
Michael Vigil, who was the DEA’s head of international operations at
the time, told me, “We called in every source we could find, looking
for information about what had happened, who was responsible, and
whether there were plans for an imminent attack.” He added, “Since the
end of the Cold War, we had seen signs that terrorist groups had
started relying on drug trafficking for funding. After 9/11, we were
sure that trend was going to spread.”
But other intelligence agencies saw the DEA’s sources as drug
traffickers — and drug traffickers didn’t know anything about terrorism. A
former senior money-laundering investigator at the Justice Department
told me that there wasn’t any substantive proof to support the DEA’s
assertions.
“What is going on after 9/11 is that a lot of resources move out of
drug enforcement and into terrorism,” he said. “The DEA doesn’t want
to be the stepchild that is last in line.” Narco-terrorism, the
former investigator said, became an
4.
http://whowhatwhy.org/2015/12/04/the-my ... revealing/
The Mysterious Death of an Artist Whose Drawings Were Too Revealing
A story of banking, organized crime, intelligence, petrodollars and politics...all seen through the lens of innovative Art.
Lombardi Wordcloud Photo credit: lombardinetworks.net (CC BY-SA 3.0)
Lombardi Wordcloud Photo credit: lombardinetworks.net (CC BY-SA 3.0)
Patricia Goldstone’s INTERLOCK is the first biography to explore the life and suspicious death of Mark Lombardi, a controversial artist whose drawings walked the line between art and information — and revealed the incestous connections between banking, organized crime, politicians, the FBI and the CIA.
His work highlighted such subjects as the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), the Iran-Contra affair, the World Finance Corporation, and the relationship between George W. Bush and Harken Energy Corporation. The mystery of Lombardi’s alleged suicide has yet to be resolved. On March 22, 2000, he was found hanged. Friends find it suspicious because Lombardi was on the the cusp of achieving the recognition that would crown his career.
Goldstone talks to WhoWhatWhy’s Jeff Schechtman about the full scope of Lombardi’s life and work.
For a look at some of Lombardi’s dangerously revealing and possibly fatal work, go here, and here.
Related front page panorama photo credit: George W. Bush, Harken Energy and Jackson Stephens c. 1979–90, (5th Version), 1999, by Mark Lombardi (flashpointmag.com), Mark Lombardi (Mesa Multimedia / YouTube)
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