2 reads from the Boston Phoenix with some analysis
The corporate death squad called the FBI has been in bed with the Mafia since the 1920's each using the other to engage in sociopathic behaviour.
The FBI Director J Edgar Hoover allowed the Mafia to exist by denying its existence until the New York State police arrested over 100 Mafia heads in upstate New York on November 14, 1957. It was called the Apalachin Meeting. Google Apalachin Meeting wilki fbi .
J Edgar Hoover allowed the Mafia to infiltrate and destroy American Unions on behalf of American Corporations.
On November 22, 1963 the Director of the FBI J Edgar Hoover conspired with the Mafia, Vice President Lyndon Johnson and other government agencies and private individuals to assassinate President
Kennedy. This is well documented in the banned documentary called
THE GUILTY MEN made by the History Channel.
You can watch it on youtube. google
the guilty men youtube jfk Watch the 45 minute version.
In 1999 attorney William Pepper convinced a Memphis Jury in Civil Court that the FBI in collaboration with the Mafia, other government agencies and private individuals had assassinated Martin Luther King.
The jury held a press conference after the trial and said it was a clear cut case of the FBI assassinating Dr King. google
james douglass mlk rockwell
1st read
see link for full story
http://thephoenix.com/Boston/news/12796 ... final-act/Whitey Bulger and the Feds: The final act
Choosing the slow grind: Why are we trying Whitey in federal court, when state courts would deliver justice more swiftly?
By HARVEY A. SILVERGLATE | October 5, 2011
As the notorious and corrupt pas-de-deux between James "Whitey" Bulger and the Department of Justice approaches its finale with Bulger's capture and eventual trial in Massachusetts's Federal District Court, we are left to reassess the ultimate implications of this long and fateful dance. While Bulger's arrest represents an opportunity for both clarity and closure, the Boston United States attorney's strategy for trying him promises neither. Instead, it raises some profound questions.
Federal prosecutors in Boston controversially dismissed the sweeping 1995 racketeering indictment that led Bulger to flee the state and become one of the FBI's Most Wanted. US Attorney Carmen Ortiz chose to focus instead on a newer, and significantly narrower, racketeering indictment centering on 19 murders in which Bulger is alleged to have had a hand, pending before Judge Richard G. Stearns.
The original indictment, she said, had weaker evidence and deceased witnesses, and would be a more expansive case to prosecute. The ultimate goal, Ortiz said, is to "[ensure] that the defendant faces the most serious charges before the end of his natural life." Bulger is, after all, 82 years old, and both the government and the families of the victims would like to see justice done as quickly and efficiently as possible.
Even so, the federal case against Bulger — contained in an 111-page, 48-count indictment — could drag on for years. But it doesn't have to. If the government wants to give the victims' families closure, there exists a much leaner and speedier solution: turn Bulger over to one of the numerous state jurisdictions where he allegedly committed crimes and where, after a very short trial, he could be imprisoned for life without parole, or even face the death penalty.
A state case would be simpler to try. Bulger stands accused of having a hand in 19 murders, but murder by itself only lands in federal court if it's committed on federal property, or if the victims are federal employees. Otherwise, a federal court has to show that the murder was committed as part of a federal offense, like racketeering — that's what the feds are going for in Bulger's case.
But in state court, prosecutors would only have to prove Bulger was involved in the murders, not the racketeering scheme surrounding them. Jury deliberations likely would be relatively short, since the jurors would not have to jump through all of the many complex sets of fact-findings required for a federal racketeering conviction.
And states are no less severe than the feds in penalizing murder. Massachusetts routinely imposes the life-without-parole sentence for first-degree murder. Several other states retain the death penalty.
Gangsters have been tried in state court before. Consider disgraced FBI agent John Connolly, a case with direct implications on the viability of a Whitey Bulger case in state court.
Connolly was indicted, in a highly complex federal racketeering case — involving allegations of falsifying reports, accepting bribes, funneling payoffs, and obstructing justice — in December of 1999. The federal case took three years to grind through the system. But when the state of Florida indicted Connolly for his role in the murder of a witness who had been supposed to testify against Bulger, it took two months from jury selection to conviction, with a sentence of 40 years in prison. He remains in a Florida cell to this day, and will stay there for the rest of his expected natural life.
2nd read
see link for full story
http://thephoenix.com/Boston/news/12793 ... w-justice/Hollow justice
The FBI might have got its man, but anyone seeking real accountability from Whitey Bulger's government enablers will come away empty-handed yet again
By DAVID BOERI | October 5, 2011
When Whitey Bulger was arrested in Santa Monica, California, this summer, it may have seemed that a new day had dawned for the local FBI and for the Justice Department. With the old man back, however, and facing trial no time soon, the air is stale with evidence that, as Faulkner once wrote, "The past is never dead. It's not even past."
Public reaction to Bulger's arrest has been as skeptical and cynical as it was to the FBI's insistent declaration over the years that it really was intent on finding him. There is a state of civil disbelief that they caught him in the manner they suggest, and widespread belief the bureau knew where he was all along.
For the local US attorney and the local FBI, who weren't here for acts one and two of the Bulger saga, this must be bitter indeed. At the one and only press conference about Bulger, the day after his arrest, they showed no signs of triumph or relief, and not once did the FBI proclaim its customary boast that "the bureau always gets its man."
The presence of the families of Bulger's victims at his first appearance in a Boston courtroom underscored the government's culpability in his reign of terror.
First, there was the decades-long protection of Bulger and his partner Stephen Flemmi as informants. Then there was the careening corruption — agents on the take, receiving gifts and money, one of them even living in the home of one of the Bulger mob — and collaboration and conspiracy in murders and other crimes. When outside law enforcement and a couple of hard-charging federal prosecutors pushed for indictment, the FBI maneuvered to thwart the effort. Finally came the back-door tip to Bulger to skip town, just ahead of indictments, followed by a search for the fugitive that was unenthusiastic, incompetent, or deliberately ineffective.
Still trying to keep control, the Justice Department made a decision to claim that the guy behind the wheel of the car wreck was Bulger's FBI handler John Connolly and Connolly alone. A special outside prosecutor, John Durham, capped the oil blowout of damage by prosecuting Connolly, who was convicted in 2002. Durham made himself seem even-handed by going after and winning the convictions of a Boston cop and then, in 2003, a retired state cop, as if the Boston Police and the Massachusetts State Police had been as culpable as the feds. Durham conducted an investigation of other possible law-enforcement-related crimes, closed it without prosecuting anyone else in the FBI, and never filed a report.
"Everyone go home," you could hear the Justice Department and FBI saying. "It's all over."
And it was . . . until Whitey came back. Sadly, new people in charge of the institutions responsible for the wreckage are showing the old instincts of the FBI and Justice Department to contain the scandal and avoid accountability at all costs.
Public skepticism continues because there has never been a full accounting of what happened in this city, inside the Justice Department, and especially within the Boston office of the FBI. The legitimacy of our institutions suffers. The way to restore it would be through a tireless, muckraking effort to uncover the worst of the worst and bring the truth, at long last, to light.