FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Jan 10, 2012 2:54 pm

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http://gun.io/blog/i-got-ol-dirty-bastards-fbi-file/
careersContractsOpen Source
I Got Ol' Dirty Bastard's FBI File

By Rich Jones, Jan 8, 2012.

The theme music to this post is Blackroc - Coochie [feat ODB].

One of my hobbies is liberating government documents using Freedom of Information Act requests. To do this, I use the service MuckRock, which allows users to submit FOIA requests online. Using MuckRock, I have been able to obtain the FBI profile of Wu-Tang Clan member "Ol' Dirty Bastard," best known for his dirty rhymes and interruping the Grammy's.
Freedom of Information

The FBI's FOIA policy allows you to get the file of anybody who is deceased, so I filed a request to get all documents mentioning Russell Tyreese Jones, aka Ol' Dirty Bastard, aka ODB, aka Big Baby Jesus, member of the Wu-Tang Clan hip hop collective, who died in 2004 of an accidental drug overdose, a lethal mixture of cocaine and the prescription drug Tramadol, a synthetic opiate.

The FBI responded with 94 pages of police reports, court proceedings and news clippings, which cover an assortment of crimes perpetrated by and against ODB. The document is embedded below and you can read my FOIA request here.
The File
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Jan 18, 2012 11:49 am

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FBI Blackballs FOIA requests
http://www.truth-out.org/revealed-fbis- ... 1326811421
Revealed: The FBI's Secretive Practice of "Blackballing" Files
Tuesday 17 January 2012
by: Jason Leopold, Truthout | Report



Have you ever filed a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request with the FBI and received a written response from the agency stating that it could not locate records responsive to your request?

If so, there's a chance the FBI may have found some documents, but for unknown reasons, the agency's FOIA analysts determined it was not responsive and "blackballed" the file, crucial information the FBI withholds from a requester when it issues a "no records" response.

The FBI's practice of "blackballing" files has never been publicly disclosed before. With the exception of one open government expert, a half-dozen others contacted by Truthout said they were unfamiliar with the process of "blackballing" and had never heard of the term.

Trevor Griffey learned about "blackballing" last year when he filed a FOIA/Privacy Act request with the FBI to determine whether Manning Marable, a Columbia University professor who founded the Institute for Research in African-American Studies, sought the FBI's files on Malcolm X under FOIA. At the time of his death last April, Marable had just finished writing an exhaustive biography on the late civil rights activist. Griffey filed the FOIA hoping he would receive records to assist him with research related to a long-term civil rights project he has been working on.

In a letter the agency sent in response to his FOIA, the FBI told Griffey that it could not locate "main file records" on Marable responsive to his request. Last November, in response to a FOIA request Truthout filed with the FBI for a wide-range of documents on the Occupy Wall Street, the agency also said it was unable to "identify main file records responsive to [our] FOIA," despite the fact that internal FBI documents related to the protest movement had already been posted on the Internet. The FBI has been criticized in the past for responding to more than half of the FOIA requests the agency had received by claiming it could not locate responsive files.

Griffey, who also teaches US history at The Evergreen State College in Olympia, Washington, and is co-editor of the book, "Black Power at Work: Community Control, Affirmative Action and the Construction Industry," was baffled. He found it difficult to believe that Marable would not have filed a FOIA for Malcolm X's FBI file. So, he sent an email to an FBI FOIA analyst asking for clarification.

The FBI FOIA analyst responded to Griffey by asking him to supply additional "keywords" to assist in a search of the agency's main file records. The analyst then disclosed to Griffey, perhaps mistakenly, that a search for previous requests for records on Marable turned up a single file that was "blackballed" per the agency's "standard operating procedure."

So last May, Griffey again turned to FOIA, this time to try and gain insight into the blackballing process. He filed a FOIA request with the FBI seeking a copy of the agency's standard operating procedure for "blackballing" files.

Two months later, he received five pages from an untitled and undated PowerPoint presentation that outlined procedures for blackballing files from FOIA requests. The FBI cited three exemptions under the law to justify withholding a complete and unredacted copy of the PowerPoint:

(b)(6) Personnel and medical files and similar files, the disclosure of which would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.

(b)(7) Records or information compiled for law enforcement purposes, but only to the extent that the production of such law enforcement records or information:

C. Could reasonably be expected to constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy;

E. Would disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions or would disclose guidelines for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions if such disclosure could reasonably be expected to risk circumvention of the law ...

Griffey appealed the FBI's decision to withhold information contained in the PowerPoint under the (b)(7)(E) exemption, but it was denied.

Still, the PowerPoint pages the FBI did turn over to Griffey provide insight into the "blackballing" process. On a page titled, "Blackball Files," it says files identified as 190 and 197 "main files," which are FBI classifications pertaining to FOIA/Privacy Act requests and civil litigation, are blackballed unless "specifically ask[ed] for" by the requestor when an initial FOIA request is made.

Moreover, the agency deems certain "control files," "separate files which relate to a specific matter and is used as an administrative means of managing, or 'controlling' a certain program or investigative matter," that pop up and are unresponsive to a FOIA to be ripe for blackballing. However, a FOIA analyst must first get permission from a supervisor before a "control file" can be blackballed.

Finally, according to the PowerPoint, some files are automatically blackballed by an FBI FOIA analyst, but the public is not permitted to know the classification of files that fall into that category because the FBI redacted that part of the PowerPoint, claiming disclosure would reveal "techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations and procedures."

"Not only are we not told when the FBI withholds material from FOIA requests, but we are not even allowed to know all of the kinds of material it withholds," Griffey told Truthout. "The law itself and not just its enforcement, is now effectively secret."

But Bill Carter, an FBI spokesman, told Truthout in an interview that "blackballing" is not about secrecy nor is the process used in any way to conceal responsive records, which the Justice Department revealed it has been doing for more than two decades in certain cases.

"Blackball is a term of art used by the [FBI's] FOIA section people in the records management division," he said. "It's an unfortunate term. It applies to people and events. It means that we pulled a file that initially looked responsive but after a review it turned out it wasn't because the file didn't match the requestors specific request" for records.

Carter provided Truthout with an explanation of the blackballing process as provided to him by Dennis Argall, the assistant section chief of the Record/Information Dissemination Section, FBI's Records Management Division:

"[B]lackball" is a term we typically use to describe a file (not a request) that initially looked responsive but upon review we find it's for a different guy or event. It can also be used to describe a file that we won't process because, i.e., a guy makes a request for his "FBI file" in 2005 and [we] process it for him. When he makes another request for his "FBI file" in 2011, we will only process his "records" but will not process the file that was created to respond to the 2005 FOIA request, which is 190 file series.

That's exactly how the FBI described the blackballing process to attorney Kel McClanahan, executive director of Arlington, Virginia-based National Security Counselors, a public interest law firm.

McClanahan told Truthout in an email interview that he first learned about blackballing when the term was used in a set of FBI "processing notes" he requested from the agency to determine how FBI FOIA analysts had handled one of his FOIA requests.

Although McClanahan believes there is "definitely a place for blackballing in the FOIA process" he said the way the FBI "does blackballing leaves a lot to be desired."

"First of all, even though [the FBI] may blackball 50 records and release 3, they never tell the requester about the 50," McClanahan said, hitting on Griffey's main complaint about blackballing. "They never mention word one about 'and we found other records that we deemed non-responsive.' The requester is left to wonder why the FBI only found 3 records about the subject in question and he will never know that they found 50 others that they ultimately deemed non-responsive unless he has the foresight to FOIA the FBI's processing notes for his request. Knowledge like that is very important when a requester is trying to decide whether or not to tie up [the FBI's Office of Information Policy] with an administrative appeal, let alone litigation."

McClanahan said his concerns would largely be addressed if the FBI "only blackballed records for good reasons."

"If I could trust the FBI only to blackball things that were clearly non-responsive, I don't need to know that they found completely unrelated records," he added. "However, that's not what the FBI does. I have seen it blackball records because they 'weren't FBI records,' even though they were in FBI files (they were FBI copies of other agencies' records, which any FOIA person worth his salt knows are still responsive to a FOIA request made to FBI). I've seen it blackball records because the request asked for 'internal FBI records' and the records in question were sent outside of the FBI, based on a strained interpretation of the word 'internal.'"

The FBI will be forced to make a choice "if it wants to apply FOIA correctly," McClanahan said.

"The agency can either limit its blackballing to records that nobody would think are responsive (e.g. different people with the same name, records outside a set time frame); or it can tell requesters in the administrative stage that it determined that certain records were non-responsive and why," he said. "Failing to do either, however, is bad FOIA."
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Jan 19, 2012 10:45 pm

see link for full story
http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2012/01/ ... t=hs&or=tn

U.S. indicts alleged copyright pirates; FBI hacked in retaliation
Published: Jan. 19, 2012

WASHINGTON, Jan. 19 (UPI) -- Shortly after the U.S. Justice Department filed online piracy charges against megaupload.com and related sites, hackers said they took down the FBI's site.

Efforts to access fbi.gov were unsuccessful Thursday evening. The hacker group Anonymous claimed via Twitter it had hacked into the FBI and record label sites in retaliation for the indictment against megaupload for alleged piracy of copyright material.

The piracy allegedly generated $175 million in criminal proceeds and an estimated $500 million damage to copyright owners, Justice said in a release Thursday.

Seven people and two corporations -- Megaupload Limited and Vestor Limited -- have been indicted on charges of engaging in a racketeering conspiracy, conspiring to commit copyright infringement and conspiring to commit money laundering.

The indictment identified Kim Dotcom, aka Kim Schmitz, and Kim Tim Jim Vestor, 37, as the alleged head of the criminal operation.

Vestor, a resident of both Hong Kong and New Zealand, founded Megaupload Limited and is the director and sole shareholder of Vestor Limited, which holds his ownership interests in the Mega-affiliated sites, the Justice Department said.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Jan 25, 2012 9:44 pm

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http://www.myfoxdc.com/dpp/news/dc/exon ... ses-012512

Exoneration of Convicted Man in 1981 DC Murder Brings Questions To Other Cases
Published : Wednesday, 25 Jan 2012



WASHINGTON - Two years after DNA exonerated a District man for a 1981 murder, a federal task force has answered a haunting question. Were others sent to prison under similar circumstances? The U.S. Attorney’s Office says no.

Donald Gates was sent to prison after an FBI agent testified his pubic hair was found on the woman he was accused of killing. It was a claim under oath that was later found to be wrong.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Mon Jan 30, 2012 3:22 pm

see link for full story
http://nakedsecurity.sophos.com/2012/01 ... ial-media/
The FBI vs the FTC: the battle for user privacy in social media

Join thousands of others, and sign up for Naked Security's newsletter
by Lisa Vaas on January 30, 2012 | Be the first to comment

Filed Under: Featured, Law & order, Privacy, Social networks

FBI vs. FTC There's no doubt about it: The US has mixed motives when it comes to user privacy in social media.

That became obvious this week with the juxtaposition of the FBI voicing its voracious desire to suck up social media data vs. the FTC's 1) recent bemoaning of Facebook's and Google's wanton privacy policy changes and 2) call for a one-stop shop to tweak privacy settings.

On the more-user-data-the-better side is the FBI, which is asking for ideas on developing an application that can sift through social media to feed its intelligence-gathering appetite.

On January 19, the agency put out a Request For Information (RFI) on a data-mining application that could monitor Facebook, Twitter, news and other sites for real-time information.

On the agency's wish list is the ability to automatically search and scrape social networking and open-source news sites for information about breaking world events. At a minimum, the FBI wants to keep a watch on, and to translate into English, social networking material in 12 foreign languages.

FBI seal As pointed out by InformationWeek's Elizabeth Montalbano, the FBI is certainly not the first or only US agency interested in mining social networking for breaking news, clues to public opinion or early warnings about global events.

The CIA, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Agency (IARPA) are also researching for better ways to milk the social media cow to further their respective missions - be it surveillance or disaster preparedness.

Why should we care that the FBI wants to better reap intelligence? The agency's RFI comes swaddled in the dialect of benevolent care for national security. From the document:

Intelligence analysts will monitor social media looking for threatening responses to news of the day such as major policy announcements by the federal government, for responses to natural disasters like an earthquake or hurricane, or indicators of pending adverse events.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Mon Jan 30, 2012 5:23 pm

see link for full story
http://clatl.com/freshloaf/archives/201 ... -by-police
Occupy Atlanta's Tim Franzen says he's being targeted by police
Posted by Gwynedd Stuart @gwynnstu on Mon, Jan 30, 2012 at 12:42 PM




In our coverage of Occupy Atlanta, we've frequently referred to Tim Franzen as a "spokesman," occasionally an "organizer," mostly for lack of a better way to describe his role in what's intended to be a leaderless movement.

In a Saturday post on the American Friends Service Committee's blog, Franzen says he believes his characterization in the media as an Occupy ringleader has made him a law enforcement target for arrest — and repeatedly.

Franzen wrote, "I've decided that this behavior is worth calling out. It is unacceptable to target a few folks in an effort to shut down a movement. A targeted arrest should be seen as an attack on everyone associated with the Occupy movement. To let this slide is a disservice to others and our movement."

Franzen's most recent arrest took place on Friday, following an Occupy Atlanta protest at a local Chase bank branch. He's been arrested two previous times. Following his first arrest — which was part of a police round-up of more than 50 protestors — Franzen says fellow occupiers were questioned by the FBI about his activities and motives:

It was right after the first eviction that several young OA participants took me aside and told me that people from the FBI had visited their homes and questioned them about me. They claimed that FBI agents had asked if I would be open to acquiring weapons, if I had a militant side and such.

One of the questioned youth actually gave me the FBI agent's business card. I called it the next day and informed the agent that I knew everything there is to know about Tim Franzen, that I was in fact the worlds utmost authority on all things Tim Franzen. When he asked who I was I stated, "Tim Franzen."
...
I told the FBI agent that he should be ashamed of his actions, that he had no right to run around Atlanta scaring people for no other reason but to crush a movement to address gross economic injustice through nonviolent direct action.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Mon Jan 30, 2012 9:20 pm

see link for full story
http://www.brooklyndaily.com/stories/20 ... 03_bk.html
January 30, 2012 / News / Bay Ridge
Grimm: I’m not a campaign finance crook
By Dan MacLeod

Rep. Michael Grimm is blasting a report that claims he flagrantly violated a litany of federal campaign finance laws by bullying followers of a celebrity Jewish mystic into giving $500,000 to his 2010 campaign — and telling donors that he had ways of getting around rules that prevented him from accepting cash donations of more than $100 and receiving contributions from foreigners — but, in the same breath, wouldn’t answer any specific questions about his 2010 campaign donations.

In a bombshell article published over the weekend, the New York Times, a Manhattan newspaper, claimed Grimm (R–Bay Ridge) strong-armed followers of Rabbi Yoshiyahu Yosef Pinto — many of them Israeli citizens — into feeding his campaign coffers. He also drove around with the holy man’s aide, Ofer Biton, who is currently under federal investigation, to solicit large cash donations, the Times said.

“It’s disappointing that such a story was allowed to go forward without evidence. I have dedicated my entire life to honorably serving this country from the US Marine Corps to the FBI and have conducted myself both as a candidate and a member of Congress by the same high standards,” he said in a prepared statement. “I will bring that same focus to continuing my work on behalf of my constituents while ensuring these allegations are shown to be the falsehoods they are.”

Yet Grimm wouldn’t respond to specific questions over the scathing charges raised in the article.

The Times claims that the hard-charging former FBI agent, who is a Roman Catholic, personally picked up an envelope stuffed with $5,000 while parked in a car near the FBI’s New York headquarters during the summer of 2010. The next week, the donor sent him a $5,000 check from a friend. But that wasn’t enough for Grimm, who called the contributor “repeatedly,” demanding another $10,000, the Times claimed.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Feb 01, 2012 11:56 pm

It is well worth reading the full story on this article
see link for full story
http://www.sdcitybeat.com/sandiego/arti ... on-ex.html

Wednesday, Feb 01, 2012
Special education: An examination of the FBI Citizens' Academy
Is the San Diego field office's program an example of good community outreach or plain old cronyism?
By Dave Maass

One Wednesday night last April, Tony Krvaric sat at the FBI field office in San Diego, listening to an exclusive lecture on how special agents investigate corrupt politicians. When the class took a 10-minute break, the chairman of the San Diego County Republican Party couldn’t resist whipping out his Android phone to tell his 1,500-plus Twitter followers about it.

“Wow, I just received a one hour briefing at the FBI Citizens’ Academy about the Duke Cunningham bribery scandal. Unbelievable!” Krvaric posted.

His class spent the next hour-and-a-half learning and practicing interrogation techniques.

Over two months, Krvaric posted almost a dozen messages about the FBI Citizens’ Academy. He boasted about hearing directly from the special agent who supervised the investigation into the “Escondido Bomb House,” where a local man was caught stockpiling homemade explosives in late 2010. One week, Krvaric told followers that he received briefings on the FBI’s counter-terrorism program, the next he said he was learning about computer forensics (“fascinating”) and child pornography (“absolutely shocking”). He tweeted when he witnessed a simulated SWAT raid and mock trial and when the program culminated in a graduation ceremony and training session at a firing range.

To those who follow the GOP boss, the tweets were outside the norm; the bullish Republican primarily uses Twitter to taunt and degrade labor leaders and Democratic politicians, frequently in childish terms. The anomaly perked our interest enough to ask the question: What is this FBI Citizens’ Academy?

Fifty-six FBI field offices throughout the country offer annual courses, usually eight to 10 weeks long one night a a week, for “civic, business and religious leaders” as part of the agency’s “Community Outreach Program.” Originating with the Phoenix office in the early 1990s, San Diego’s version launched in 2002 under the leadership of Special Agent in Charge Bill Gore, who now serves as San Diego County sheriff.

Less clear was what Krvaric was doing there. Technically, he could be considered a civic leader, but his work is more underhanded political maneuvering than genuine public service. Even as he was attending the Citizens’ Academy, Krvaric was publicly gloating about how he dispatched a private detective firm to stalk redistricting officials to build a case to discredit San Diego’s new City Council map. We wanted to know how Krvaric got into the academy and whether it indicated a political undercurrent in the program.

“Please be aware that the FBI does not comment or report on the private activities of U.S. citizens to the media,” Special Agent Darrell Foxworth responded via email. "Thank you for your inquiry."

Yet, within a matter of hours, Krvaric called our office to ask why we were questioning the FBI about him. We told him it was a matter of taxpayer accountability. The San Diego field office would not disclose the cost of the program, except to say that it no longer rewards attendees with pens, notepads and hats due to the federal budget deficit.

The program is overseen by the Community Relations Unit within the FBI’s Office of Public Affairs. The division’s motto is “Strengthening Diverse Connections,” with a logo of four hands of different ethnicities locked in embrace. When the unit chief, Special Agent Brett Hovington, testified before a Congressional subcommittee in 2010, he described the community-outreach program’s primary purpose as enhancing “public trust and confidence in the FBI by fostering the FBI’s relationship with various communities.” He specifically named the Arab, Muslim, Sikh and South Asian populations and explained that the program creates allies in the War on Terror in communities prone to radicalization.

With the Citizens’ Academy, Hovington explained that “a strong effort is made to attract a diversity of members that represent the surrounding communities to these classes.” He pointed to successes with the Muslim community in Detroit and Turkish-Americans in Knoxville, Tenn. Citizens’ Academy snapshots posted to the FBI‘s Facebook gallery highlight that diversity, from a wheelchair-bound Puerto Rican journalist to a member of Chicago’s Muslim community wearing a traditional taqiyah, a kind of skullcap.

Through the Freedom of Information Act, CityBeat obtained lists of enrollees for the last three years. The attendees’ names were redacted, but their affiliations were not. The incomplete information makes it difficult to reach conclusions, but through analysis, research and interviews, CityBeat learned that San Diego’s program may not be reaching out to communities as advertised.

Instead, the academy has become, in part, a means for the FBI to liaise with military employees and government contractors. A disproportionate number of corporate executives and business interests populate the attendee roll. Republican Party operatives have been invited to the program, but seemingly none from labor or Democratic interests.

Download the FOIA document, with the roster of attendees and schedule.

April Langwell, the public-affairs specialist who manages the academy in San Diego, claims that citizens can nominate themselves for the academy. However, the FBI website states you can’t get in without a referral or invite. Every attendee we contacted confirmed that policy. As a result, the Citizens’ Academy functions as a closed system, prone to cronyism.

Even as San Diego’s FBI doubled the size of the program in 2011—from about 30 to 60 attendees—religious and ethnic groups have largely been ignored.

2011 San Diego FBI Citizens' Academy attendees broken down by listed sector. Private defense contractors are grouped in business, not military.


Related content
Lovable loserSD Republicans plan pay-to-vote straw pollMore on the San Diego Free Speech FightWar Game: A defense-industry crosswordResolutions from Doug Manchester, Irwin Jacobs and Tony KrvaricMurder at the courthouse!
Related to:fbitony krvaricdefense industry

More than a quarter of the attendees to the 2011 FBI Citizens’ Academy were military personnel or defense contractors, dwarfing the less than 4 percent who were religious leaders and raising the question of whether it’s benefitting the Department of Defense more than the communities for which it was intended.

The lists include staff from the Marines, Navy, Coast Guard, SPAWAR (Space and Naval Warfare Systems Command) and representatives from San Diego’s major defense corporations: Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, L-3 Communications, Sentek Consulting and Miro Technologies. There are also representatives from smaller vendors, such as Xenonics, which sells night-vision gear; Vanguard Industry, which markets military uniforms and decorations; and WindZero Group, which planned to build a tactical training facility in Imperial County.

Langwell says the military’s inclusion is wholly appropriate, even if that means allowing federal employees into a program intended for communities.
“Understanding that the Department of Defense and defense contractors represent approximately 1/3 of the San Diego economy in terms of both dollars and personnel it is prudent to include them in our program,” Langwell says in an email, having requested all questions in writing. “Department of Defense participants in the Citizens’ Academy are commensurate with the Department of Defense presence in the San Diego region.”

Langwell’s numbers aren’t accurate. According to the San Diego Military Advisory Council’s 2011 study on the local impact of defense dollars, military spending accounts for only about 18 percent of the county’s economy.

George Reed, a professor in University of San Diego’s School of Leadership and Education Sciences and a 2011 Citizens Academy alumnus, describes the program as a “stroke of genius.” A researcher of military organizations, Reed says the armed forces represent a community just like any other.

“I think you’re way off base here,” Reed says. “Who does the FBI need to reach out to? Who might they need to call? … I’d put [the military] at the top of the list.”

The attendance roll also includes a contingent of professionals working in the cyber-security and surveillance industries, including Layer 3 Security Services president Dario Santana and Dave Dalton, formerly the security director for the San Diego Natural History Museum. Michael Jones, an investment banker specializing in financing security companies, also attended. All three use their alumni status as a professional badge of honor.

“It is also prudent to include security professionals who share the same mission as we do to protect our nation’s and our community’s assets and infrastructure,” Langwell explains.

While that may be true, the FBI also has a public-private partnership program, the Infragard San Diego Members Alliance, specifi cally designed to share information between businesses and the federal government. However, the program has largely stagnated during the last year.


Sheryl Bilbrey, president of the Better Business Bureau San Diego and a 2011 alumnus, says she initially wasn’t interested.

“They pursued me,” she says. “They were looking for business leaders that touched a lot of people in the community. I have to give them that. But evening time with my family is very precious to me. To give that up to sit in a classroom setting just wasn’t appealing.”

Bilbrey signed up anyway. Even though she couldn’t attend all the meetings, she says the experience was worthwhile. She remembers that at one point, FBI personnel detonated an explosive device and had the attendees work the crime scene. She was impressed by the evidence-gathering technology, particularly how different lights can reveal blood spatter or footprints.

“I’m not trying to sell the program,” she says. “It obviously worked on me because it was not something I was eager to do…. I really thought it would bore me, but they clearly try to make it interactive.”

About half of the attendees during the last three years represented private business interests, and when the Citizens’ Academy doubled in size last year—with academies running on Tuesday and Wednesday nights—most of the new seats went to companies and members of the media. Almost every major corporation in San Diego has had someone attend the academy: Cox Communications, Hewlett Packard, Merrill Lynch, Verizon Wireless, PriceWaterHouseCoopers, Sempra Energy, Bank of America, Anheuser-Busch, Cricket Communications, Delta Airlines, etc. The list includes many biotech firms, from the well-known Ibis Biosciences to the obscure Philometron. At least two companies, Manpower and Safe Harbor Funding, sent multiple employees to the program.

Langwell emphasizes that the program does not target groups or companies, but individuals.

“The FBI investigates over 300 different violations of federal law, and therefore, we look for individuals from a variety of backgrounds,” she writes. “For example, mortgage fraud is a big white collar crime problem. We have had participants who are in the real estate and mortgage professions. Threats to our biotech industry are commonly reported, and therefore, we attempt to include individuals from those businesses as well.”

Langwell says it’s who you are, but it may also be who you know.


For Katherine Kennedy, head of Relocation Coordinates and a 2010 Citizens Academy alumnus, the most memorable part of the program was learning how young FBI agents go after sexual predators, particularly in the John Gardner case, which reached a conclusion during the program.

April Langwell, Citizens' Academy coordinator
April Langwell, FBI Citizen“It’s a really interesting thing to go through,” she says. “I wish it were longer because six weeks are just enough to make you realize we all just have to be on watch all the time, and help when we can, and pay attention.”

Kennedy credits her connections for getting her into the program.

“My husband went through, and some of my husband’s friends went through it, and they thought it was very interesting….” says Kennedy, the spouse of former San Diego National Bank CEO Robert Horsman.

“I’ve recommended a lot of people to the program because my circle is mostly executives or human resources.”

Kennedy cites her membership in the Rotary Club 33, a powerful social organization representing downtown San Diego, and says “a lot” of Rotary members have attended. Our research identified several. Langwell herself joined Club 33 in 2009 and remained an active member. In 2011, Langwell arranged for a private Rotary Club tour of the FBI offices; attendees were charged $25 for the privilege.

“My participation in the San Diego Rotary Club is consistent with being a Public Affairs Representative of the FBI,” Langwell writes. “I am involved in a number of community outreach endeavors including participation in service organizations and other non-profit groups and committees. We are able to serve our community better by developing partnerships with members we have met and worked with through these various organizations.”


After business and the military, civic leaders make up the next largest segment of attendees, with representatives from the American Red Cross, the Citizen Diplomacy Council of San Diego and the offices of elected officials such as state Assemblymember Martin Garrick and U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein. Two individuals from U.S. Rep. Duncan Hunter’s office attended in 2010.

But religious leaders are conspicuously underrepresented. In the last three years, only two religious organizations appear on the list: The Islamic Center of San Diego in 2009 and the Anti-Defamation League, a Jewish organization that fights hate crime, in 2011.

Another member of the Islamic community did attend the program—Shamroze Sayed, who served on the board of the Muslim Community Center of Greater San Diego—but was listed by his company affiliation, Interpreters Limited. His experience may highlight the power of the program when it does reach out to marginalized communities.

“In my opinion, it was of mutual benefit to both sides,” Sayed says. “When the discussion came up in the class regarding the religious centers around town and how the FBI monitors them, I had the ability to be part of that discussion.”

However, Sayed also tells CityBeat that the imam invited in 2009 had ultimately dropped out. A cleric at the Islamic Center denied knowledge of the program.

“It was a shame he didn’t complete it,” Sayed says. “He would’ve really enjoyed it.”

Asked about the low religious enrollment—no churches, synagogues or ethnic community associations were listed on the roster—Langwell said, “Many individuals are invited to participate, but may decline if their schedule prevents them from doing so. Additionally, this is a voluntary program and we cannot speculate on the reason anyone chooses not to attend. “

As California Republican Party chairman, Ron Nehring attended the academy in 2010. He posted this picture of an evidence-gathering exercise to Flickr.



In the end, it wasn’t difficult to discern who recommended the county GOP chair for the program in 2011. Krvaric’s mentor, Ron Nehring, then-chairman of the California Republican Party, attended the academy the year before.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Feb 02, 2012 10:35 pm

see link for a full story
http://www.ipfrontline.com/depts/articl ... 8&deptid=4
Holland & Knight Wins Declaration in Landmark Freedom of Information Case

Feb 2, 2012
IPFrontline

Court Rules in Favor of the Commercial Appeal in Lawsuit against the FBI


Holland & Knight has won a declaration from a federal court, in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed for the Commercial Appeal newspaper, that a noted civil rights photographer had doubled as an informant for the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

On January 31, a United States District Court judge in Washington, D.C., ruled that the FBI must produce a full accounting of the confidential informant file for Memphis photographer Ernest Withers, who died in 2008. The ruling, in Memphis Publishing Company v. Federal Bureau of Investigation, comes in response to the FBIfs consistent denials that it had any obligation under the FOIA to acknowledge that Withers had been an informant.

"We are pleased that the court has recognized the important work the Commercial Appeal is doing in trying to answer lingering questions about a troubling chapter in our government's history," said Charles D. Tobin, a Holland & Knight partner who chairs the firm's National Media Practice Team.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Feb 03, 2012 12:49 pm

see link for full story
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.c ... .DTL&tsp=1
Hackers: We intercepted FBI, Scotland Yard call

Friday, February 3, 2012


Hackers claim to have intercepted and leaked a sensitive conference call between cybercrime investigators at the FBI and Scotland Yard.

Anonymous has released a roughly 15-minute-long recording of what appears to be a Jan. 17 conference call devoted to tracking and prosecuting members of the loose-knit hacking group.

The record
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Feb 03, 2012 2:49 pm

see link for full story
http://www.fox8live.com/content/news/le ... bWNnw.cspx

Lee Zurik Investigation: Former FBI agent tosses loan, beachside dinner, LSU tickets to Hingle

All can be eye-catching alone -- but combine a former FBI agent, millions of dollars of contracts, an LSU football trip and an expensive beachside dinner, and it all adds up to connections that one corruption watchdog calls troubling.

“There's obviously some smoke,” says Rafael Goyeneche, president of the Metropolitan Crime Commission.

A Mobile, Alabama-based disaster recovery company, the DRC Group, has made tens of millions of your dollars.

Since Hurricane Katrina, DRC has secured lucrative contracts all over the state: $8 million with the Orleans Parish Sheriff; $1.5 million at the Port of New Orleans; $7 million with the City of New Orleans. DRC also worked with the State of Louisiana, Jefferson Parish, St. Tammany Parish. And, in Plaquemines alone, records show DRC has been paid almost $34 million from the parish government since 2008.

And some dealings in Plaquemines Parish could have DRC Managing Director Robert Isakson in trouble.

It all started in November of 2009. LSU played Alabama in football in Tuscaloosa. Two sources in Plaquemines Parish confirm Isakson paid for former Plaquemines Parish Sheriff Jiff Hingle and his driver, Major Brandon Mouriz, to attend.

Fast forward to the next year, two months after the oil spill: state records show Hingle's driver, Brandon Mouriz, formed an equipment rental company, BCA Offshore. It just so happens, Hingle owned 50 percent of that company, but didn't disclose his ownership with the Secretary of State -- his wife did, though, in an ethics filing she submitted last year.

And now to one critical piece of this story. To start BCA Offshore, Mouriz and Hingle received a $100 thousand loan from DRC and its owner, Robert Isakson. Mouriz’s attorney says the loan has been paid back with interest.



And right after receiving the loan, DRC hired Hingle and Mouriz's company, BCA Offshore, for post-oil spill work. With BP money, DRC paid Hingle and Mouriz about half a million dollars.


DRC also paid almost half a million dollars to Delta Security, another company connected to Mouriz. In another instance, Hingle's marina made $250,000 from DRC.

Tickets, a loan, contracts were not the only perks of the relationship between Hingle and Isakson. In August 2010, Plaquemines Parish sources say Isakson and DRC hosted a nearly-$10,000 dinner for Hingle at Seagar's restaurant in Destin, Florida, when Hingle became president of the state's sheriff association.

“Substantial sums of money that were spent, it would appear to curry favor with the sheriff,” says Goyeneche.

From 2003 through the oil spill, DRC had no contracts with Hingle's office. But after that 2009 LSU football trip, the loan, the BP-related work for Hingle and his driver and the pricey beach dinner, the money began to flow from Hingle's office to Isakson's company.

In January of last year, Hingle gave DRC a $1.2 million contract to build a temporary 22-bed jail. Months later, DRC received a $1.9 million dollar contract to build a temporary correctional training facility.

“We are not dealing with a very sophisticated issue,” Goyeneche says. “It’s right and wrong. When you are in business, you don't need to have been a lawyer or a federal agent, or aware of the criminal laws: There are certain things you can or cannot do. You cannot influence a public official by spending money on them.”

Robert Isakson should know better than most. His DRC biography shows Isakson spent a decade in the FBI, running the political corruption unit in Louisiana.

Right now, he remains a commissioned deputy in Plaquemines -- given a badge by Jiff Hingle.

Hingle’s attorney, Frank DeSalvo told us, “Everything with Isakson was up and above board and the government was made aware of that.”

Late last year, Hingle pleaded guilty to federal corruption charges. The charges came after a series of FOX 8 investigations that looked into Hingle.

Acting Sheriff Michael LaFrance let Mouriz go last month after an investigation into department violations.

Last month, we emailed Isakson giving him a detailed explanation of what we planned to lay out in this story. Here's his response: "I have received your email. I will certainly look into this. It will take me a couple of days as I am traveling. I look forward to gathering this information and making a reply to you."

We never heard back from Isakson, but did receive a statement from a DRC attorney Wednesday that doesn't address anything in this story -- a story that asks whether the managing director of a powerful company spent money on a public official to secure lucrative government contracts.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Feb 14, 2012 1:43 am

see link for full story
http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/cri ... ml?hpid=z3

Racy, vulgar texts hurt Justice Department’s largest sting operation targeting foreign bribery
By Del Quentin Wilber, Monday, February 13, 7:02 PM

In text message after text message, FBI agents and their key informant joked about sex, booty calls, prostitutes, cigars, the Village People, the informant’s wives and an agent’s girlfriend. They even pondered who might play their roles in a movie based on their sting.

When arrests were announced by the Justice Department, the agents and informant basked in positive press. “It’s like an atomic mushroom cloud,” the informant gloated in a text to his FBI handler.

Since reaching court, however, there hasn’t been much to brag about in the Justice Department’s largest investigation of individuals accused of bribing foreign officials. In two lengthy and high-profile trials in the District’s federal court, one of which ended last month, federal prosecutors failed to win a single conviction. One reason for the courtroom setbacks can be traced to the ribald texts exchanged between the informant and his FBI handlers.

It’s no secret that informants, like the one in this sting, tend to have shady pasts, traits that make them easy targets for defense attorneys. But modern communications — texts, in this case — permitted a new line of attack: Defense lawyers used the questionable messages to savage the credibility and professionalism of FBI agents, who not only seemed to share their informant’s offensive sense of humor but also appeared to like him. While close relationships sometimes develop between agents and their informants, it is rare for such communications to become public. FBI agents closely guard the details of those relationships and are generally careful about what they put in writing.

In this case, the messages shocked former prosecutors, who said the texts hurt the agents’ credibility. “It was just foolish,” said Steven Levin, a former federal prosecutor in Maryland. “Jurors are loath to convict if they feel that both the informant and the law enforcement officers have acted improperly.”

During the most recent trial of six men and women on charges of paying a bribe to win business with a foreign government, defense attorney Steven McCool used the texts not only to attack the character of the informant but also to accuse an agent of being a bigoted, anti-gay misogynist.

For example, McCool asked the agent if his reference to “da hood” in a text was meant to have “racial overtones” and if he was expressing “a bias against gay people” when he texted the informant about dressing up in chaps and spurs while making a reference to the Village People.

Defense attorney Paul Calli, whose client was acquitted by a judge before his case even reached the jury, said such texts showed that “the FBI had established no appropriate boundaries” with the informant.

The agents, who declined interview requests, testified that the off-color texts were “operationally necessary” to build rapport with the informant and that they were not expressing biases in the messages.

Testimony indicates the agents never thought their colorful texts, which represented a tiny fraction of the messages exchanged during the investigation, would be made public.

In a statement, Justice Department spokeswoman Laura Sweeney said prosecutors have informed a federal judge that, in light of the first two trials, the government is evaluating “whether to continue to go forward” with the remaining prosecutions of 16 defendants, seven of whom had their cases end in hung juries.

The foreman of the jury in the most recent trial — a 36-year-old non-practicing lawyer — said in an interview that the texts hurt the prosecution, as did the agents’ evasive testimony about the messages’ lewd content.

“We found the government witnesses to have little credibility,” said the foreman, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to protect his privacy. He added that the investigation was poorly run and conceived — the agents made a basic math error, among other mistakes — and the “texts were one of many things that point to an absolutely amateurish operation.”

Setting up the sting

The texts emerged in a sting whose gen­esis can be traced to 2007,­ when Richard Bistrong, a tall, thin, tan and confident vice president at a police equipment company, came to the FBI’s attention. Although he appeared to be a successful jet-setter who lived in a 6,000-square-foot mansion in upscale Ponte Vedra Beach, Fla., his life was rending, according to his own testimony.

Bistrong, then 44, had a $15,000 monthly cocaine habit and routinely had sex with prostitutes, he testified. His second marriage, to a former U.S. diplomat, was cratering. In February 2007, he was fired by his company when it discovered he had been bribing foreign officials to get business. He also had accepted $1.3 million in kickbacks from suppliers.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Feb 14, 2012 2:06 am

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JTTF reports: Few details
Required city reports short on specifics

By Jim Redden

The Portland Tribune, Feb 13, 2012, Updated 3.9 hours ago
http://portlandtribune.com/news/story.p ... 7291682200

Mayor Sam Adams and Police Chief Mike Reese released two reports on the city's participation with the FBI Portland Joint Terrorism Task Force that revealed few details about its operation Monday afternoon.

The first annual reports were required by the City Council-approved resolution that reauthorized Portland's participation in the JTTF. The reports mostly confirmed Portland was complying with state laws and city policies regarding participation without revealing what it has been working on, however.

For example, a memo from Adams said he had appointed a police Criminal Intelligence Unit lieutenant to overseee two officers assigned to the JTTF. It did not provide any information about their work, however.

A memo from Reese said he had conferred with the FBI's Special Agent in Charge of the Portland office regarding terrorism-related investigation on numerous occasions. It did not provide any details about the investigations, however.
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Feb 14, 2012 3:04 am

Puerto Rico: report faults FBI in rebel's death
02/13/2012 - 22:14.
http://www.ww4report.com/node/10837
The Puerto Rican Civil Rights Commission (CDC) has concluded that the killing of Puerto Rican nationalist leader Filiberto Ojeda Rios by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in September 2005 was illegal and should be investigated, according to people who say they have seen the commission's 238-page report. The CDC's conclusions apparently contradict the finding of the US Justice Department's Office of the Inspector General (OIG) in 2006 that Ojeda, the leader of the rebel Popular Boricua Army (EPB)-Macheteros, had fired on the FBI agents first and that they were justified in returning fire and in waiting 18 hours after Ojeda was wounded before entering his house to check his condition.

Dated March 31, 2011 but never released publicly, the CDC report is said to confirm accounts that FBI agents started shooting with heavy weapons as soon as they arrived at the house in the western town of Hormigueros where Ojeda was living with his wife, and that the independence leader would not have died from his wounds if he had been given medical attention. But the report's most explosive revelation is apparently a claim by two police agents who participated in the operation: far from being armed and dangerous when he was shot three times by an FBI sniper identified only as "Brian," Ojeda was playing music on a trumpet, according to the witnesses.

After the initial shootout, Ojeda negotiated his wife's release to the FBI. He then negotiated for an hour about his own surrender; it was when these talks stalled that Ojeda, who was a professional musician, reportedly began playing on his trumpet. Luis F. Abreu Elías, who had been Ojeda's lawyer, speculated at a Feb. 3 press conference in San Juan that the sniper couldn't see his target and used the sound of the trumpet to hit Ojeda. Abreu is calling for an international organization like the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague to investigate the killing. (Argenpress, Argentina, Jan. 30, from correspondent; Prensa Latina, Feb. 2; Primera Hora, Guaynabo, Feb. 3)
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Re: FBI WATCH MAKING CRUELTY VISIBLE

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Feb 16, 2012 11:56 am

The real story here is the Washington Post who published the original story on Deep Throat could not see Felt was seeking revenge,
They allowed the FBI to take down Nixon because of a promotion.
This is a good example of the sinister power the FBI wields.

'Deep Throat' exposed Watergate due to anger over missing out top FBI job
London, Thu, 16 Feb 2012 ANI
see link for full story
http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetai ... I-job.html
London, Feb 16(ANI): "Deep Throat", the FBI source who exposed the Watergate scandal and was thought to be acting out of a concern for justice and the public good, was actually motivated by anger for missing out on a top job in the agency, a new book has claimed.


According to the book, former FBI number two Mark Felt spoke to journalists because he wanted to become head of the organization.


Felt hoped that by making former U.S. President Richard Nixon think that the FBI was leaky, then those suspected of talking would be fired.


He also routinely lied to Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein and told them that a rival he wanted out of his way was blackmailing Nixon.


Felt's identity was exposed in 2005 by Woodward and he died in 2008 having never made it to FBI director.


However, in 1969 when he was its second-in-command, he saw the Washington Post pair as his way of manoeuvring himself into the top job, writes historian Max Holland.


At the time Woodward trusted him implicitly and claimed he was a "truth teller" with "no axe to grind".


The truth was that less than one month before the Watergate break-in, the post of FBI director had come up for the first time in 37 years when J. Edgar Hoover died.


Enraged that Nixon's friend L Patrick Gray took his place, Felt tried to undermine him through a campaign of leaks which he knew would anger the notoriously paranoid Nixon.


Holland writes that the plot appeared to be working when a number of Felt's colleagues were fired or demoted.


Yet as Gray hung on Felt became even more cynical and claimed to reporters that a 'vigilante squad' from the White House was wiretapping journalists, even though it was untrue.


He also told reporters that the only way Gray was still in his job was because he was blackmailing Nixon.


Holland writes that in addition to making things up, Felt failed to leak genuine stories that would have been of significant interest.


The plots he kept quiet included attempts by the FBI to embarrass Martin Luthur King with sex tapes and burglaries known as 'black bag jobs' against anti-war groups under Felt's personal orders.


When the Watergate scandal became public it forced Nixon to resign in 1974.


Felt was later convicted of using illegal methods to monitor left-wing groups but pardoned by former U.S. President Ronald Reagan.
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