Moderators: Elvis, DrVolin, Jeff
Disturbing Evidence Shown at Trial of Ed Buck; 'Jeffrey Dahmer 2.0'
The first week of Ed Buck's federal trial in Los Angeles closed Friday with disturbing evidence that left the jury shaken, according to journalist and Advocate contributor Jasmyne Cannick, who has been pushing for Buck's arrest since August 2017.
Buck, a once-prominent businessman and Democratic donor, faces nine federal-level felony counts, two of which are distribution of controlled substances resulting in death. Gemmel Moore, 26, died in Buck’s home in July 2017, and Timothy Dean, 55, died there in January 2019. Prosecutors say Buck had a fetish for drugging Black men with whom he had sexual encounters, and that Moore and Dean were among many with whom he engaged.
The first days of the trial had prosecutors laying out Buck's obsession with "party and play," or having sex under the influence of drugs, often meth. Buck allegedly paid vulnerable Black men — often homeless and looking for a place to escape the streets — to come to his home and coerced them to inject meth until they were near death. Buck would occasionally have sexual encounters with the men, but evidence appeared to show Buck sexually assaulting some of them while they were unconscious or nearly so.
Buck recorded nearly all of his encounters, and the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department recovered over 2,400 videos on Buck’s computers, cell phones, and iCloud account, according to Cannick. Of the 2,400, over 1,500 contained instances of drug use.
Speaking to The Advocate, Cannick described a wrenching day on Friday, where jurors and those attending the proceedings were shown some of Buck's videos. Some of the clips displayed Buck and/or his victims smoking meth from a pipe with rubber tubing while wearing a black leather hood mask or Blackface masks; other videos showed Buck directing the men on how he wanted them to smoke meth.
"In one such video, Ed Buck told a Black man to flare his nostrils and open his eyes really wide while facing the camera and blowing smoke from a meth pipe," Cannick reported on her blog. Some of the videos showed Buck referring to the men as the n word and other racist terms.
After a party and play session that left one of Buck's "guests" unconscious, Buck apparently sent a text message to another individual advising him to come over to his West Hollywood apartment: "He’s about passed out. It’d be cool to have you come over and jerk him off," Buck texted to the unnamed person, according to the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department.
There were several videos of Moore, including clips showing Buck blowing smoke into his underwear via a tube. One video shows Moore asking Buck to not record his face, a request Buck clearly disregarded. Another video shows Moore telling Buck he's not sure he can "slam" (inject) any additional meth. Buck responds that he’s there to make Moore "offers and indecent proposals."
Cannick described how many of his alleged victims were not drug addicts or did not do drugs, but in order to get paid by Buck were forced to do them. Moore described in his journals that he had never done meth before he met Buck.
"One particularly disturbing video — and they were all disturbing — Gemmel Moore is unconscious and Ed Buck is playing with his penis," Cannick wrote. "Buck is seen grabbing, twisting, and posing Gemmel’s penis for the camera."
"Ed Buck is Jeffrey Dahmer 2.0," Cannick wrote on her website, referencing the Wisconsin serial killer and cannibal who often targeted fellow gay men. "Quote me."
Sgt. Paul Cardella of the Sheriff’s Department, a witness for the prosecution, presented and described the video and phone evidence to the jury. The defense, led by attorneys Ludlow Creary II and former O.J. Simpson prosecutor Christopher Darden, declined to cross-examine Cardella.
Instead, Creary and Darden used their cross-examinations of other witnesses, which included criminalists and medical examiners, to denigrate Moore and Dean and paint them as careless drug addicts with AIDS. Earlier in the trial, the defense has questioned a neighbor of Buck's who testified that numerous Black men had exited Buck's apartment looking severly impaired and under the influence of drugs or alcohol. As Cannick reported, Darden suggested that the men leaving Buck's apartment in a stupor may just have had AIDS.
The trial resumes Tuesday and could conclude by the end of the week. Look for updates here, along with Cannick's website and her Twitter feed, @Jasmyne.
Who is Ed Buck? Those who follow politics in West Hollywood know him as the guy whose successful campaign for a ban on fur sales helped propel City Councilmember John D’Amico into office in 2011. He’s also known for his tenacious digging into City Hall records to make a claim that credit cards were being misused. And he is known for his financial support for local, county, state and national Democratic Party candidates.
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The Beginning
Edward Bernard Peter Buckmelter (he changed his last name to Buck in 1983) was born into a middle-class family in Steubenville, Ohio, on Aug. 24, 1954. When he was six he moved with his parents, a brother and two sisters to Phoenix, Ariz. “My childhood was uneventful as hell,” he said in an interview with the Arizona Republic in June 1987.
Buck attended a Catholic elementary school and graduated from North High School and Phoenix College. Buck has described his father as a “longtime alcoholic.” As a child, Buck himself was a handful according to his mother, who was interviewed in October 1987 by E.J. Montini of the Arizona Republic. “The dean of boys had a hot line to my phone at work,” she said, speaking of Buck’s high school years. “I’d answer the phone and say, ‘All right, what is it this time?’”
Buck came out to his parents as gay at the age of 16 and, while attending college, won a three-month internship that took him to Yugoslavia. In his profile, the Arizona Republic’s Montini says that a year after that Buck returned to Europe and was offered a spot as an extra in a TV commercial. Buck stayed in Europe for five years, living in Paris and Amsterdam, where he worked as a fashion model and appeared in movies and magazines. He also modeled in Japan for Wrangler jeans. Buck returned to Arizona in 1980 and began working for a friend as a bicycle courier.
In his interview with Montini, Buck said he worked for the Arizona franchise of Rapid Information Services, a business owned by a friend that provided driver’s license information to insurance companies. Despite his lack of business experience, and the business’s poor financial situation (his friend ran it out of a one-bedroom apartment), Buck saw great potential in it. A year and a half after joining and helping build the business, Buck bought it out of bankruptcy for $250,000 and renamed it Gopher Courier. Five years later he sold it for what he said in another interview was “more than a million dollars profit.”
Very wealthy at the age of 32, Buck took risks, opening a restaurant and getting into the pay telephone business, on both of which he lost money. He owned a $280,000 house on top of a hill near Squaw Peak (now known as Piestewa Peak), a mountain outside of Phoenix. He also, according to a story in the Gayly Oklahoman newspaper, had entered into a relationship with a Chippendale dancer.
Diving Into Politics
Buck found new meaning in his life with the election in 1987 of Evan Mecham, a Republican, as Arizona’s 17th governor. Mecham was a controversial figure, not least because of his decision to end Martin Luther King Day as a paid holiday for state employees, his claim that high divorce rates were caused by women holding jobs and his description of African-American children as “pickaninnies.” Then there were the accusations that he misused state funds and failed to disclose a $350,000 campaign loan.
Buck launched a successful effort to impeach Mecham, leading the Arizona Republic to describe Buck as a “millionaire, self-acknowledged homosexual and registered Republican” who was “destined to go down in history as one of Arizona’s most unlikely political figures.”
The impeachment campaign was a rough one, with Buck attacked because he was gay. It also resulted in publicity about Buck’s arrest for “public sexual indecency” in an adult bookstore in 1983. Buck pleaded guilty and paid a fine, and the charge was dismissed. He claimed a cop had seen him grab the crotch of a friend. Buck also was called out for trying to get a drugstore to fill a fake prescription for Percocet, a highly addictive drug that contains oxycodone. In an interview in 1988 with the Washington Blade, Buck said he had made a copy of an existing prescription and needed to fill it because of pain from a root canal. Buck was indicted by a Maricopa (Ariz.) County grand jury on a charge of “attempting to obtain a narcotic through fraud or deceit.” A judge agreed to dismiss charges against Buck if he would be tested weekly for drug use for one year.
Given that Buck was openly gay, and that Mecham was known as homophobic (he once said during a radio interview that he would ask for a list of gay state employees, implying he would fire them), Buck became somewhat of an LGBT community hero. In 1989, for example, he was named Grand Marshal of the International Gay Rodeo in Arizona. Yet Buck didn’t identify with some parts of the gay community. In his interview with the Washington Blade, Buck criticized some for their flamboyance. “We dress up, we see guys in their best leather, others in their best dresses, marching down the street,” he said. “These people do not represent the majority of gay people, who would never wear costumes. And it drives the semi-closeted and moderate gay people underground.”
Switching Parties
In 1988 at a Republican Party conference in Oklahoma City, Buck called for changes in the party’s “intolerant” stand on LGBT rights in Oklahoma, which included opposition to state-mandated sex education programs in schools. Unable to make major changes in his political party, Buck soon switched allegiances. In an online post in 2010, he explained his decision. “I didn’t leave the Republican Party, it left me. I can remember Barry Goldwater saying ‘out of the boardroom and out of the bedroom’ when referring to the role of government. That’s the GOP I was a proud member of … My principals have not changed, but to keep true to them, my political party had to change.”
Buck continued his political involvement as a Democrat, hosting a fundraiser for the Gay and Lesbian Political Campaign Fund ’90 in 1989 at his Squaw Peak home, with openly gay U.S. Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) as a special guest. He also helped raise money for HIV/AIDS services in Arizona. He also successfully pushed Circle K, a nationwide chain of convenience stores based in Phoenix, to back away from a policy of denying medical coverage to those with AIDS or substance abuse problems.
Moving to West Hollywood
Buck “retired” to West Hollywood in 1991. One of the causes he embraced in WeHo was rescuing abandoned or endangered animals. He is said to have fostered care for more than 40 over a five-year period. In 2007 he made an unsuccessful run for a seat on the City Council. In that campaign, he teamed up with Steve Martin and Heavenly Wilson to challenge incumbents John Heilman, Abbe Land and Sal Guarriello, all of whom were re-elected. In 2010 Buck was featured on CNN and other news channels when he attended a town hall meeting and interrupted Meg Whitman, who was running as the Republican candidate for governor of California. New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie went face-to-face with Buck and asked him to stop.
Buck put his political energy and skills to work in a campaign to get West Hollywood to enact the nation’s first ban on the sale of fur products. As part of that effort, he backed John D’Amico’s campaign for a seat on the City Council. D’Amico declared his support for a fur ban, something opposed by the WeHo Chamber of Commerce and some local businesses. Buck also helped D’Amico in his effort to position himself as a reformer who would push back against the political establishment, especially John Heilman, who has been on the City Council since West Hollywood was incorporated in 1984.
As part of that effort, Buck demanded access to city records to build a case that City Hall staffers and some City Council members were misusing city credit cards. That campaign focused mostly on Fran Solomon, the deputy to Heilman. In a press conference the day before the March 7, 2011, election, D’Amico and fellow challengers Scott Schmidt, Steve Martin, Mito Aviles and Lucas John Junkin issued a statement saying that ”tens of thousands of taxpayer dollars (have been) wasted on high-end meals and luxurious gifts for City Hall staff, developers and lobbyists.”
A subsequent investigation by the city largely refuted those accusations, noting that Solomon had spent less than $2,000 in 2010 on meals with constituents and people doing business with the city, which was part of her role as a full-time deputy to a part-time council member. Other expenses called out by Buck and the City Council candidates involved payments for awards such as gift cards and ball point pens to city employees who had reached certain employee milestones. The district attorney did launch an investigation into Councilmember John Duran’s spending on lunches but eventually dropped it.
The Death of Gemmel Moore
Buck has kept a relatively low profile since the 2011 City Council election. He has, however, continued to contribute to election campaigns. The right-wing media outlets have called out $2,750 that he contributed to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 election campaign. A quick online search shows donations of nearly $30,000 through June of this year to Democratic candidates in state races such as Ted Lieu, Pete Aguilar, Raja Krishnamoorthi and the Getting Things Done PAC. On Aug. 9 he updated the photo on his Facebook page, which he apparently hadn’t posted on for more than a year. Many of his friends welcomed him back.
Buck was back in the news last week after a video was posted online with LaTishaNixon demanding an investigation of the death of her son, Gemmel Moore, a 26-year-old African-American man, at Buck’s apartment at 1234 Laurel Ave. on July 27. The outcry over Moore’s death prompted the L.A. Sheriff’s Department to announce it was opening an investigation into the incident, which the Coroner’s Office previously had ruled an accidental death caused by methamphetamine use.
While various local and national blogs are posting allegations about the death that aren’t backed up by publicly available facts, lesbian activist Jasmyne Cannick has published photos of pages from Gammel Moore’s journal, which his family recently retrieved from the Sheriff’s Department, that describe a drug using relationship between him and Buck.
“My mind and action change. I am not the same person I was born to be,” Moore wrote in his journal. “I felt as if I sold my soul to the devil — I want to be back in the hands of God. I want to be healed from drugs, poverty and troubles. I want independence. I want my own. There’s so much madness going on in my life. It’s got to be illegal and wrong. The way I was raised to be, you would never expect this.
“I just hope the end result isn’t death. Someone needs to save me soon. The only person in my corner is the person who turned me this way, the way I feel right now. Honestly, I don’t care to live anymore. I do wanna die. I feel like I’ve done way too much that this lifetime allows. If it didn’t hurt so bad I’d kill myself but I’ll let Ed Buck do it for now. Dec. 3, 2016, I miss my grandma.”
On another page Moore explicitly called out his drug use as a problem. “Something is seriously wrong with me and my body. I don’t feel normal. I honestly think it has to do with the injection of drugs. It makes me feel horrible like I’m so tired of living this life.”
WEHOville reached out to Ed Buck for a response to the allegations against him. However, he has not responded to that request.
Walter Finley
I have known Ed Buck for almost thirty seven years and would like to attest to his character and decency. We met when we were both modeling in Amsterdam and became very good friends. When I first met Buck, around 1980, he had recently moved to Amsterdam from Paris where he had also modeled. After Amsterdam he moved back to Phoenix, where he taught modeling at the Power’s modeling school. Although we did not see each other for long periods of time, we remained in touch both by telephone and correspondence. There was no email in those days. By 1985, I had returned to Miami to model, and Buck, having had his spectacular business success, came to South Beach to visit a mutual friend we had both known in Europe. This was now around 1990, I’m guessing, and our friendship was actively renewed and has flourished to this day. I have even visited him on occasion in West Hollywood, where Buck leads a nice but not wealthy or extravagant lifestyle. His passion is politics and animal rights. He has always been a dear and caring friend and I cannot speak highly enough for him. He is loyal, trustworthy and always there to help a friend (or animal) in need and asks nothing in return other than friendship. I would be happy to attest to this to anyone, This is a difficult time for Buck, I only learned of his dilemma yesterday, and it is time for Buck’s friends to stand up for him and to speak out on his behalf.
Rob Bergstein
I first met Ed Buck back when I was serving on the City’s Redevelopment Agency, the Eastside Project Advisory Committee. Ed never met a microphone he didn’t like and while I rarely, if ever, agreed with what he spoke out about, off microphone, we could have respectful conversations. As to the death of the young man in his apartment…if he was trying to help someone get their life back on track,while that is a commendable thought, Ed is in no way trained as a social worker with experience in helping younger people to get off the streets and out of the sex worker lifestyle. Again, commendable thought,but best to leave that kind of intensive work to the experts, those who are trained. Our Los Angeles Gay & Lesbian Center has the facilities and expertise. The City of West Hollywood contracts with multiple social service providers to help out our residents in need. Who knows, if Ed had referred that young man over to any of the resource providers available in West Hollywood, well, who knows…..
Karma Speaks
Granted, Pat Dixon may have witnessed the caring dog rescue side of Ed Buck and while I have no opinion on the alleged issue regarding Mr. Moore, there was distinctly a different side of Mr. Buck on display for many in the community. During the Tara controvercy and when Mr. Buck was campaigning for City Council, he often exhibited an angry, highly volatile and confrontational demeanor. Shockingly enough this was unleashed during city meetings. He viscously pursued his opponents with wild unproven accusations well beyond the point of reason. In recent years he surprisingly spoke at a few city meetings presenting himself as the tightly controlled voice of reason. None of the behavior added up and as Todd mentioned, the past financial escapades don’t appear to either.
Born Edward Buckmelter in 1954 (he would change his name to Buck in the early 1980s), he grew up in Phoenix, Arizona. After college and a stint in Europe working occasionally as a model, he took a job as a bicycle messenger. When the messenger service went into bankruptcy just over a year after his job began, he pulled together $250,000 to buy the business. Five years later, he would sell the courier service for a significant profit, and start looking for ways to invest his windfall. His next step was to wade into politics.
The 1986 race for Arizona governor was bitterly contested. The state’s Republican party establishment, from Barry Goldwater to John McCain, lined up behind a candidate named Burton Barr. He was opposed in the Republican primary by a far-right conservative, Evan Mecham, who was known for his racist and homophobic rhetoric, and a platform that included rescinding the establishment of MLK Day as a paid day off for state employees. Mecham managed to carry the nomination and narrowly won the three-way general election.
Buck, who then identified as a Republican, decided to devote himself to a campaign to recall Mecham. He founded the Mecham Watchdog Committee which staged protests, printed anti-Mecham bumper stickers, and organized letter-writing and signature-gathering efforts to promote the recall effort. Eventually, Buck’s group had gathered enough verified signatures to trigger a recall election in May of 1988. Mecham was also brought before impeachment proceedings for campaign finance violations and obstruction of justice.
During this campaign, Buck, who had been openly gay from the age of 16, was a frequent target of homophobic vitriol by Mecham’s supporters. It was also made public during the campaign that Buck had been arrested for “public sexual indecency” in 1983–a charge he has said was trumped up by the cops–and that he was indicted for “attempting to obtain a narcotic through fraud or deceit” for attempting to pass a fake prescription for Percocet, as WeHoville reported.
By the time he arrived in West Hollywood in 1991, he was focusing his work on fundraising for LGBT rights organizations, animal rights causes, and Democratic political candidates. He ran for West Hollywood City Council in 2007, and while he didn’t win, he stayed involved with local politics. In 2011, he made a series of accusations about financial misconduct by City Council members and staff, but an investigation into the allegations was abandoned.
Over the years, Buck has donated thousands to politicians and activist groups, including his largest recent donation, a $10,400 contribution to newly elected Arizona senator Kyrsten Sinema’s Getting Stuff Done PAC, made in February 2017, according to online records.
Ed Buck Trial: Deadly ‘party and play’ sessions
A downtown jury Thursday got a close look at Ed Buck’s cluttered West Hollywood apartment, the scene of two drug-related deaths for which the former political donor is on trial.
Numerous color photographs of the apartment shown to jurors depicted walls painted dark red and blue, a mattress on the floor in front of a large- screen TV, boxes of men’s underwear, a collection of Halloween-style masks and a red tool chest allegedly filled with methamphetamine pipes, syringes and sex toys.
Prosecutors apparently tried to suggest that Buck lived in an environment designed for “party and play,” a term used by some gay men to describe a sexual encounter involving drugs.
On the third day of the Buck trial, Los Angeles County Sheriff’s deputy Grehtel Barraza testified that she responded to a call for service at Buck’s apartment on July 27, 2017, the date of 26-year-old Gemmel Moore’s death, and saw drug evidence in plain view in open drawers of a rolling tool cabinet.
The deputy told the panel that she noticed several “used syringes,” a “glass pipe” and a clear plastic bag containing a “crystal-like substance” she took to be methamphetamine in open drawers of the red tool chest. Sex toys were also exposed in another open drawer, Barraza said.
Defense attorneys had tried unsuccessfully in March and again Thursday — outside the presence of the jury — to have the judge throw out the deputy’s testimony, arguing that she could not have seen inside the drawers.
Buck faces nine felony counts, including two counts of distribution of controlled substances resulting in death stemming from the deaths of Moore in July 2017 and 55-year-old Dean in January 2019. If convicted, each of the two charges carry 20-year mandatory minimums.
Buck is additionally charged with knowingly enticing Moore to travel to Los Angeles to engage in prostitution.
He also faces a second count of enticing a different man to travel with the same intent; one count of knowingly and intentionally distributing methamphetamine; and one count of using his West Hollywood apartment for the purpose of distributing narcotics such as methamphetamine, and the sedatives gamma hydroxybutyric acid (GHB) and clonazepam.
Prosecutors allege Buck had a “fetish” for paying Black men he met online to smoke and shoot methamphetamine, sometimes to the point of unconsciousness. He also faces state charges of running a drug den, but the federal case is proceeding first.
The defense alleges that Buck was unfairly “selected” for prosecution for unexplained reasons. Party and play, Buck’s attorney Chris Darden told the jury, is “conduct millions of people engage in.”
Barraza also testified that as the scene of Moore’s death was being investigated, an unidentified man showed up at Buck’s front door carrying a suitcase and backpack, looking for Buck.
Another prosecution witness, Sheriff’s Sgt. Robert Martindale, told jurors that while processing the scene in July 2017, he found syringes, rubber tubing, various items used for smoking and hiding methamphetamine, various types of drugs, a collection of fright masks, a gas mask and an electronic dog collar.
“I saw no evidence (Buck) had pets,” Martindale told the jury.
A search of Buck’s car revealed a box of used needles and numerous unused needles, the sheriff’s deputy testified.
In cross-examination, Darden suggested that some of the items allegedly used for methamphetamine were really for smoking marijuana.
In his opening statement Wednesday, Darden alleged that underlying medical conditions hastened the deaths of Moore and Dean, not the drugs they may have ingested in Buck’s presence.
Buck, 66, sat between his two attorneys as additional photos were shown to the jury, depicting Moore in death, his arms covered in tattoos and a small red puncture mark below one elbow.
According to Assistant U.S. Attorney Chelsea Norell, Buck’s alleged “ritual” involved injecting men “over and over” with methamphetamine.
She alleged in her opening statement that even after Moore died, Buck “continued to insist that his dates get as high as possible.” Dean died at the apartment two years later.
Darden, however, argued that there is no evidence showing that “anyone was forced” to go to Buck’s apartment “for whatever reason.”
Best known for being part of the prosecution team in the murder trial of O.J. Simpson, Darden described Buck on Wednesday as an advocate for LGBTQ and Black civil rights, animal rights and a supporter of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama.
Buck has been in custody at a downtown federal lockup since his arrest.
The trial is expected to last at least 10 days, with the defense case expected to begin Wednesday or next Thursday.
WeHo should be renamed “ChemSex City.” Been going on like this since circa 1979, but now it’s that dump’s major industry.
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Buck, Porto, McArthur, Dahmer…anyone else starting to notice a pattern? This is actually learned behavior from the drug crowds in the gay bars that these guys, who are serial killers, were able to take to get away with primarily because they targeted gay men of color, thought white young men are often victims too. Most drugging predators don’t kill their victims but date rape is very common among them. Drugging guys in their sleep, just like Buck did is how most of these young guys get started with “party and play”. They turn them into addicts before they even know they have been doing drugs. Young men go to the bars seeking community and this is what they are finding today. To make any change gay spaces need to aggressively rout out the drug dealers and users or this is going to continue and get worse. Buck and the others get away with murder primarily because the police really don’t investigate the deaths of gay men who die by overdose, and the gay community enables this behavior through victim blaming. Predatory drugging and drug rape are major public health issue in the gay community and drug raping young gay men is a homophobic hate crime.
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Talk about “liberal” West Hollywood racism. Duran and D’Amico knew what Ed Buck was doing. Along with a lot of older gay white men in WEHO including several who were on commissions for years.The political hacks on the WEHO CC took money from Buck – campaign “pay for play in his Meth Lab on Laurel Avenue” donations. Buck’s apartment should be be a tourist stop, At least Horvath went after Buck. But the head of the Democrat Party in California (who was removed for sexual harassment against young man) along with Duran had all the Democrats who took money from Buck distance themselves. Talk about corruption and seediness – West Hollywood takes the prize!
Day One
Next on the stand was one of Ed Buck’s neighbors, Liam Sacks (white male).
Liam testified that Ed Buck told him that he was a social worker and that the Black men he saw coming to his apartment were his clients.
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Victim #3 said Buck is adamant about the partying in party-and-play. You have to do the drugs.
Victim #3 said Buck implied he’d get paid a bonus if he brought friends with him.
Victim #3 says he was paid between $700 and $1,000 each time he saw Buck and he estimated that to be about three times.
Day Two
Detective Robert Martindale testified that he executed a search warrant for Ed Buck’s apartment on September 17, 2019 and collected evidence of Buck’s drug use and distribution, including klonopin pills, plastic tubing and straws, masks, sex toys, and a flashlight with a hidden compartment that many of his victims told me and law enforcement authorities was a drug stash location.
Jurors were shown pictures of Ed Buck’s apartment on the day of the execution of the search warrant.
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There were photos of a bottle labeled, “Fog Juice” with the words “Imglycol” on it.
Ethylene glycol is a colorless, odorless, sweet-tasting chemical. It is poisonous if swallowed. Ethylene glycol poisoning is poisoning caused by drinking ethylene glycol. Early symptoms include intoxication, vomiting and abdominal pain.
Later symptoms may include a decreased level of consciousness, headache, and seizures. Long-term outcomes may include kidney failure and brain damage. Toxicity and death may occur after drinking even a small amount.
On cross-examination, Darden tried to have the jurors believe that the battle of “Fog Juice” was for a fog machine.
Problem was, there was no fog machine in Ed Buck’s apartment.
The bottle labeled “Fog Juice” is consistent with the accounts of Buck’s various victims who have said that he slipped them something to drink that rendered them unconscious.
Day Three
Now if you recall, Ed Buck told the sheriffs that Gemmel Moore was his friend–a good and close friend. He even had his hired mouthpiece attorney Seymour Amster telling anyone who would listen the exact same thing.
Maybe you can overlook the fact that he never called his good friend’s mother to offer condolences to her after her son died of an overdose in his home, that he never chipped in one dime for Gemmel’s funeral, nor did he attend. But not knowing how to spell your alleged good friend’s name tells me that Buck didn’t care enough to know how to spell Gemmel’s name. We also learned that Buck didn’t know where his good friend Gemmel lived.
During another text message exchange on April 23, 2016, Buck is discussing a party and play session and says that he’s getting ready for endorsement panels happening the next day.
We learned that aside from smoking and injecting meth, that Ed Buck smoked crack cocaine. According to Buck, he did so on May 19, 2016, with someone named Block.
On the same day, Gemmel Moore texted Ed Buck that he felt dumb for slamming a second time and that the $500 is what made him try. He said, “money is the root of all evil.”
The following day, Buck got mad at Gemmel for not wanting to slam and for him having the audacity to ask him what he was injecting into him. Gemmel said that he had a right to know what was going into his body.
Ed Buck responded, “asking questions is one thing and interrogation is another.”
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Gemmel Moore complained to Ed Buck about having to swallow dozens of Viagra pills, spending 18 hours with him getting high, and getting paid less than $200.
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We also learned that Ed Buck had videos of himself calling the Black men he preyed on and tortured the n-word and other racist derogatory names.
Sergeant Cardella testified about Ed Buck’s browser history which included over 34,000 searches for slamming. Ed Buck often searched for slamming, party and play, and profiles on Adam4Adam.
Buck searched for how long GHB stays in your system and spent a lot of time searching for slamming on the free porn website XXNX.com.
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The following text exchange happened between December 24, 2018, and December 31, 2018, between Ed Buck and an unknown male.
UNKNOWN: After that G you gave me it wasn’t but 15 minutes I was out cold. What did you do to me?
ED BUCK: I bet after today you need to get super fucked up.
UNKNOWN: What happened when I was tied up and drugged? You never answered.
ED BUCK: A picture is worth a [sic]1000 words.
UNKNOWN: What happened when I was tied up?
ED BUCK: I’ve got the answer to your questions and some pictures.
ED BUCK: Yes you can make some mullah by just getting fucked up and falling over.
UNKNOWN: Can you tell me what happened last time, all BS aside?
ED BUCK: Yes, I’ll even show you pictures.
And if you thought that exchange was disturbing, it only gets worse.
The sheriff’s department discovered that while the unknown male was unconscious, Ed Buck texted another male.
ED BUCK: He’s about passed out. It’d be cool to have you come over and jerk him off.
Day Four
Victim #5 testified that Ed Buck was the only person in his house allowed to administer injections.
Victim #5 said that Ed Buck paid for him to fly from Iowa to Los Angeles to party and play, provided meth every time, and insisted on slamming him.
Victim #5 said Ed Buck surreptitiously gave him what he believed to be a combination of GHB and meth that made him extremely weak, his “booty hole warm,” and as though his head would explode.
Victim #5 took several videos and photographs of a session he had at Ed Buck’s. He said he did this because he didn’t trust Ed Buck.
Victim #5 also testified that Ed Buck would not give him the same drugs that Buck was taking and the thought that was suspect.
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We were shown video surveillance of Dean entering Buck’s apartment around 12:07 a..m.
We saw Ed Buck’s call log for January 7, 2021, around the time of Timothy Dean’s death. Buck’s called: West Hollywood Councilmember John Duran, attorney Seymour Amster, his friend Neil and Big Mike–whoever that is.
Cardella showed the jury the contents of the package found on the ledge outside of Buck’s bathroom the day of Dean’s death–meth pipes, rubber tubing, and syringes which tested positive for Buck and Dean’s DNA.
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The jury sent a message to the judge saying the trial was taking too long. Perhaps their minds are made up.
The judge appeared to nod off during one of Darden’s exhaustive cross-examinations. To be fair, I was nodding off too. Darden and his flunky Ludlow Creary are boring and embarrassing to watch defending this white man.
Wednesday will see testimony from more of Buck’s victims including Joe Doe, the last man to nearly die in Ed Buck’s apartment after being overdosed in September 2019.
How Stonewall Democratic Club Retaliated Against Critics of Its President
Ed Buck and Eric Bauman may be gone, but Stonewall Democratic Club continues to protect its most powerful members amidst allegations of misconduct.
Kate Gallagher | July 20, 2021
“I know the ugly side of politics quite well. Any endeavor that involves human beings, there’s going to be mischief somewhere,” said Lauren Buisson. “The system feeds on cronyism and self-dealing, and that’s what I saw at Stonewall.”
Buisson was a member of Stonewall Democratic Club’s Steering Committee until she was dismissed from her position in October 2018. Her capital offense was calling out the racist, transphobic, and otherwise inappropriate Facebook posts made by the organization’s president, Lester Aponte — whose current campaign for a third term as Stonewall president has the support of dozens of elected officials and Democratic Party leaders.
Stonewall Democratic Club is a powerful force in local politics, especially in the LGBTQIA+ enclave of West Hollywood. The organization’s leadership includes high-ranking members of the local, state, and national Democratic Party. Each election cycle, candidates for everything from the Santa Monica School Board to the U.S. Senate vie for Stonewall’s endorsement, a symbolic stamp of approval from the LGBTQIA+ community.
But beneath the veneer of progressivism, several current and former Stonewall members describe a toxic environment of harassment, bigotry, and abuses of power, where dissent is silenced and misconduct is swept under the rug.
“It’s just a really twisted culture about personal gain, personal access, and nothing about advancing LGBT standards of living,” said Craig Scott, a lifelong LGBTQIA+ activist who served on Stonewall’s Steering Committee from 2017 to 2018. “They don’t care about anything other than money. It’s unfortunate.”
Sean Kolodji was an enthusiastic young activist when he joined Stonewall in 2009. He soon got involved in the membership team, where he was responsible for recruiting and credentialing new members. By 2015, he’d been appointed to the Steering Committee as Membership Chair. “I felt like we’re really fighting for something,” he said. “We’re fighting for LGBT rights, fighting for the trans community, fighting for diversity, and I was passionate.”
But cracks in the facade quickly started to show. In April 2017, Kolodji won a Stoney Award — the organization’s annual award ceremony/fundraiser — for Member of the Year. Eric Bauman, longtime Stonewall president and then-LACDP Chair, was also there to accept the Public Official of the Year Award.
Bauman, who later resigned as CDP Chair amid sexual misconduct allegations, was “very handsy with everyone,” Kolodji recalled. At one point during the dinner, Bauman began massaging Kolodji’s 20-year-old guest while still seated at the table.
According to several former members, Bauman’s inappropriate behavior was an open secret at Stonewall. None of the club’s leadership ever intervened.
“The pain that we experienced in dealing with the way Eric Bauman interacted — what example did he set for us about how we get power?” Kolodji said. “I feel like there was a structural problem, where we didn’t set the ground rules and say, look, within a professional space we can’t do this.”
That summer, Kolodji was elected to Stonewall’s Executive Team as Communications Vice President. Just days later, Gemmel Moore was found dead in the home of prominent Democratic donor and Stonewall Steering Committee member Ed Buck.
Kolodji, Scott, and Alex Paris, who served as Social Media Chair, pushed the club to publicly disavow Buck’s behavior, and to donate $500 (the cost of Buck’s lifetime Stonewall membership) to Moore’s funeral expenses. They received pushback from several other Steering Committee members, including Aponte, Garry Shay (who serves as the parliamentarian for both Stonewall and the LACDP), and John Erickson, now a member of West Hollywood City Council.
“There were a lot of people in the party that just wanted to be quiet,” Kolodji said. He recalled that, when Black activists posted on Stonewall’s Facebook page asking where the organization stood on Buck’s behavior, Aponte asked that the posts be deleted.
Even once the Steering Committee voted to put out a statement regarding Moore’s death, Aponte fought to soften the statement’s language and frame it around the dangers of drug addiction, rather than Buck’s suspicious role in Moore’s overdose.
“They didn’t want to kick [Buck] out because he gave so much money to the club,” said Scott. “Lester was always like, we can’t jump to conclusions, we need more information.”
Although Buck soon resigned from the Steering Committee, Moore’s death, and the tepid reactions from the rest of the club’s leadership, was a tipping point for Kolodji. “Those experiences together radicalized me a little bit,” he said. “This organization has something rotten at its core, and I can’t just go along with it.”
Lauren Buisson joined Stonewall in the summer of 2017, just after the Ed Buck scandal broke. “I actually went to some other [organizations’] events, and of all the ones I went to, the only person who chatted me up as a potential recruit was Sean.”
Kolodji and Buisson met at the annual Stonewall BBQ, hosted at the family home of State Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer. Buisson soon signed on to join Kolodji and Alex Paris on Stonewall’s communications team, where she managed the club’s social media and led writing and production on the Stonewall Spotlight podcast.
“Alex, Sean, and I worked really, really well together. We had the same social justice driven agenda,” Buisson recalled. “[But] I noticed the problems in the organization almost from the jump. And it especially became clear when the first crisis in the assembly happened.”
In late October 2017, Assemblymember Raul Bocanegra was accused of sexual misconduct. Just a week later, similar allegations surfaced against state Senator Tony Mendoza. After the news broke, Buisson, Paris, and Kolodji led an effort to convince the Steering Committee to draft a statement condemning the two officials’ behavior.
However, Eric Bauman, who at that point was no longer a member of Stonewall’s Steering Committee, stepped in and cautioned them not to move forward with the statement. Buisson found his involvement alarming.
“You had this guy who was himself a serial sexual harasser stepping into club business when he was no longer supposed to be involved,” she said. “Parts of the California Democratic Party like to assert that they have no control or association with the clubs. They absolutely do.”
The statement, drafted by Buisson, was eventually approved by a majority of the Steering Committee, over the objections of Aponte, Garry Shay, and Political Vice President Jane Wishon. As soon as the votes were in, Kolodji sent out the statement.
Immediately afterwards, Aponte confronted Kolodji for “going behind his back” by releasing the statement without his prior approval. Kolodji was baffled, since Aponte had put him in charge of counting the votes for the motion. “It showed that Lester and Garry and the power in the organization were uncomfortable with this kind of rebellion of the grassroots,” he said.
In the coming months, Buisson, Kolodji, Paris, and Scott frequently came into conflict with the rest of the Steering Committee. They were the only four Steering Committee members to vote against accepting a donation from Wells Fargo Bank, which had recently been rocked by a storm of scandals. Aponte ultimately decided to decline the donation after Kolodji leaked the news to LA Health Commissioner and former Stonewall Steering member Susie Shannon, who vagueposted about it on Facebook.
It gradually became clear to Paris that Stonewall’s leadership was “completely ignoring the important mission that this organization was started for… They’re more concerned with consolidating power, more concerned with glad-handing politicos and influence sharing than they are with actually helping LGBT people.”
The political disagreements sometimes turned personal. While discussing endorsements for the 2018 election, Scott, a longtime San Francisco resident, criticized Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s history of moderate positions and suggested that the octogenarian was getting too old to do her job effectively. In response, Erickson criticized Scott’s comments as “ageist” and sent an email to the Executive Team suggesting that Scott should be removed.
“We looked at it, and we were like, okay, this isn’t… this is silly, right?” Kolodji recalled.
A more serious point of contention was the lack of diversity in Stonewall’s leadership. Of the eight elected officers, there’s currently only one who isn’t a cisgender man — Jane Wishon, who is a straight white woman. While officer positions are open to anyone, including straight allies, the lack of representation for LGBTQIA+ women within the club’s leadership is reflective of a larger problem, not just at Stonewall but in politics and LGBTQIA+ spaces in general.
In 2010, Aponte was on the board of a pro-marriage-equality organization called “Love, Honor, Cherish,” which crafted a failed ballot measure to overturn Proposition 8. The organization, which was entirely composed of cisgender gay men, failed to include any mention of gender identity in the measure.
In response to a Facebook post about the lack of trans-specific language, Aponte said that none of the over 100 activists who were involved in the discussions ever raised any concerns. He seemingly recognized the problem with the group’s lack of diversity without claiming any responsibility for fixing that problem, simply saying, “Obviously we needed some of you in the room. The door has always been open.”
To Hannah Howard, this sounded like a cop-out. Howard, who is trans, attended one Stonewall meeting in 2005, but decided not to engage further after being repeatedly misgendered during the meeting. She was surprised when, just a few years ago, a Stonewall member made a Facebook post about the reasons why trans people have trouble engaging with the movement — and Aponte responded with incredulity.
When Howard commented sharing her experience at the 2005 Stonewall meeting, Aponte “was shocked, disbelieving that such a thing could happen, but talking about [how] they were such great allies now,” she said.
However, according to current Steering Committee member Mackenzie Hussman, not much has actually changed. She recalled that, during a Pride event in 2018, a newer member of the Steering Committee, who is a trans woman, was working at Stonewall’s booth. An older man on the Steering Committee didn’t recognize her, and accused her of stealing from the booth. The incident was addressed awkwardly at the next Steering Committee meeting.
“Lester gave some sort of wash-overstatement like, ‘Oh we try to be inclusive of everyone.’ And then he proceeded to ask this trans woman how she would like to be treated,” Hussman recalled. “It just felt so insensitive. We’re an LGBT club, we should already know how to welcome trans members into our community. And she was publicly singled out in front of 30 people. It was embarrassing.”
In another example of Stonewall’s lukewarm commitment to inclusion, two Black LGBTQIA+ candidates, Steve Dunwoody and Ashley Marie Preston, intended to run in the 2018 special election for Assembly District 54. However, Wishon, as Vice President of Politics, made the decision that Stonewall shouldn’t endorse or support either candidate, because it would be “too divisive for us to choose between a Black gay man and a Black trans person,” according to Kolodji. In the end, neither candidate even made it onto the ballot.
In April 2018, Buisson posted an article to the Steering Committee’s private Facebook group about the need for more Black women in Democratic Party leadership. All hell broke loose.
Shay replied that Buisson’s post was “not productive,” and instructed Operations Vice President Steve Bott to remove the post. When Buisson noticed it was gone, she posted the article again. It was removed again, and Buisson was blocked from further posting in the group.
“I’m 6’1″ and 245 pounds. I don’t let men tell me when I can talk and when I can’t,” said Buisson. “You could throw a brick and not hit a person of color at these general meetings. This was a problem we needed to address internally. And they refused.”
Buisson brought her concerns to Kolodji, who raised the issue with the rest of the Executive Team, including Aponte, Shay, Wishon, and Bott. All four replied that any criticism of the Democratic Party is unwelcome on the Steering Facebook page.
Kolodji repeatedly pointed out the irony of silencing a Black woman for calling out the Party’s silencing of Black women. Aponte, who is Puerto Rican, is the only person who responded to this point — he replied mystifyingly, “The real irony is that the only ethnic minority in this thread is me.”
At the time, Stonewall had no official grievance process — if Buisson wanted to press the issue further, it would be judged by the Steering Committee, which was overwhelmingly white and male.
Interestingly, Wishon had said that “no one is trying to censor Lauren on her own page,” and Aponte agreed that Buisson and Scott (whom no one else had mentioned) had “the entire wide world web” to post whatever they wanted. They quickly changed their stance on this.
Just a few weeks later, Scott shared a link to a video on his personal Facebook page with the comment, “Fag hags need to be checked so often.” The video depicted a brawl between a group of intoxicated white women and a group of queer men of color in an alley in West Hollywood.
However, the Executive Team interpreted Scott’s comment differently. Within hours, the officers had been looped into an email with the subject line “URGENT: Regarding post encouraging violence against women.”
Scott insisted that his comment was meant to condemn the violence. “There’s this ongoing debate within the LGBT, especially gay men, culture about the appropriateness of straight women and bridal showers going to gay spaces,” he told Knock LA. “So I just said you got to check your fag hags because you don’t want them beating up on queer people. I basically saw it as a gay bashing.”
Shay recommended that the board should immediately ask for Scott’s resignation. Wishon agreed. Attaching a screenshot of an unrelated Facebook comment by Buisson, she added, “And Lauren…”
A screen shot of a Facebook post that was embedded in an email. The Facebook post is a link to an article with the headline "A Pro-Choice Woman is Running Against a Male Democrat Who Voted to Restrict Abortion. Why Are Women's Groups Silent?" and a comment from Lauren Buisson that reads: "Having been told be a member of the DNC and the State Party that I couldn't criticize "his" party the priviledged rot is exists at every level, extending down to some local Democratic clubs. The issue is- what are we front line activists going to do about this/them?"
By the next day, seven of the eight officers had signed a letter calling for Scott’s resignation. Kolodji was the only one who dissented. While he agreed that Scott’s post was “in very poor taste,” he told the rest of the Executive Team that he didn’t feel it was a resignation-worthy offense.
Neither did Scott, who deleted the post but refused to resign. At that point, the Executive Team (except Kolodji) motioned for the formation of an investigation committee to address the issue.
The committee presented its findings at Stonewall’s June 25 general membership meeting. The room was packed. “They called all the members who don’t normally show up, describing [Scott] as this misogynist who’s endorsing violence against women,” Buisson said.
LACDP Chair Mark Gonzalez was brought in to preside over the session. DNC member Laurence Zakson served as Parliamentarian. Scott himself chose not to attend the meeting, but Buisson led the defense on his behalf.
“It was a circus,” Kolodji said. One LACDP leader described the proceedings as “absurd.” At one point, West Hollywood City Councilmember John Heilman called impatiently from the back of the room, “Let’s vote already!”
In the end, the members voted, 48 to 14, to remove Scott from the Steering committee. That was the end of his involvement with Stonewall.
Regardless of whether or not Scott’s post should have been considered grounds for dismissal, the affair revealed a glaring double standard for whose inappropriate behavior is, or isn’t, punished. Just a year earlier, Stonewall had vigorously supported Eric Bauman’s campaign for CDP Chair, despite his well-known sexual misconduct.
“They all jumped on [Scott] because they wanted to get rid of a critical voice,” Buisson concluded.
Throughout the controversy, Kolodji had warned the rest of the Executive Team that “people in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones, so to speak. Be careful pursuing this with Craig, because this is an abuse of power, and you’re setting a precedent that is going to come back.”
Kolodji had been Facebook friends with Aponte for years, and he was aware of several posts Aponte had made that were just as offensive, if not worse than the comment that led to Scott’s removal. He mentioned this to Buisson, who began combing through Aponte’s most problematic posts.
In November 2014, he posted an article about Mia Love, a Black Mormon Republican recently elected to Congress, commenting: “Until 1972, official Mormon Church doctrine was that Black people were evil and could not be saved. Perhaps this is their way of proving it?”
In 2015, he deliberately misidentified Ann Coulter as trans: “I am saying Ann Coulter is transgender. Go ahead and sue me.” The comments on the post became filled with vitriolic anti-trans and misogynistic remarks. Aponte did nothing to stop the hateful discussion.
In 2016, Aponte liked an anti-BLM post that said, “I think these people are assholes. There I said it. I’ve grown to despise BLM because of their tactics and narrative.”
In 2017, he joked that immigrant activists should be deported.
In 2018, Aponte described the Inclusive Pride Flag as “stupid.”
Buisson compiled 18 pages of screenshots of these and other inappropriate remarks. It was already clear to her that taking her concerns to the Steering Committee would be futile.
“It was not just about this one bigoted individual,” Buisson said. “It was infecting. You could see it in who was in the club, who was in leadership positions, who spoke from whom, who was excluded, the whole system was infected. And in my view at the time, that fish was rotting from the head.”
So, rather than rely on the club’s leadership to discipline themselves, Buisson sent the offending posts to several elected officials, asking them to withdraw their support for Stonewall until Aponte resigned.
Not a single official responded.
One of the recipients was Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, host of the annual Stonewall BBQ — which was coming up in just a few weeks.
“My feeling was, as somebody with a reputation for advocating for the Black community, this man might be a little bit pissed off about these racist things,” Buisson said. “It would be no problem for him to say, this event is canceled until you resign. You’re out of Stonewall or doesn’t go forward.”
Jones-Sawyer’s office did reach out to Stonewall’s leadership — but not to demand Aponte’s resignation. Instead, they passed along Buisson’s letter, fingering her as a whistleblower.
A few weeks after her letter-writing campaign began, Buisson suddenly found herself locked out of Stonewall’s digital assets and social media accounts. Paris, who chaired the social media team, called Aponte in confusion. Aponte informed him that Buisson was no longer allowed to serve on the communications team.
“I said, what are you talking about, you’re just [removing] her?” Paris recalled. “And [Aponte] is like, ‘yeah, I can do that, I’m president.’ I was like… pretty sure you can’t.”
When Aponte realized that he could not, in fact, unilaterally remove Buisson from her Steering Committee position, he told Paris and Kolodji to ask for her resignation. They refused.
On September 26, Aponte sent an email to the full Steering Committee revealing that Buisson had sent letters to several elected officials accusing him of making “racist and bigoted statements.” Without revealing any details about the “statements” in question, Aponte called Buisson’s accusations “false and defamatory… harmful, not just to my personal reputation, but the reputation and public standing of our organization.” He asked that the Steering Committee vote on whether to expel Buisson from her position.
In stark contrast to Scott’s widely-publicized hearing, Buisson’s removal was handled quietly at a Steering Committee meeting on October 4. So quietly, apparently, that Wishon told Knock LA she didn’t remember the meeting had even happened — although the minutes confirm she was in attendance.
“There were wild allegations and actual shouting matches at this meeting,” Paris recalled. “That was an absurdly fireworks meeting over an issue that was not taken seriously.”
Buisson chose not to attend the meeting, but Paris and Kolodji argued on her behalf that the real problem at hand was Aponte’s behavior, not Buisson’s. Even if the committee didn’t feel that Aponte’s Facebook posts were grounds for resignation, his attempt to retaliate against Buisson was itself an abuse of power that warranted investigation.
However, other Steering Committee members said that Buisson should have brought the issue directly to them — which Kolodji found ludicrous, given their handling of Buisson’s previous complaints. “We tried to deal with this stuff internally,” he said. “But it seemed like their side was kind of like, ‘we’re gonna use our power — and we have more power — to essentially drive you out.”
The Steering Committee ultimately voted, 17 to 3, to remove Buisson from her position. Paris resigned the same day in protest. Kolodji soon disengaged from Stonewall as well.
“The organization just seemed destined to be an unredeemable mess,” Kolodji said. “Is there no shame, to just ruthlessly try to target someone that we need as a leader in queer spaces? And instead, what do we get?”
As a parting shot, Kolodji and Paris motioned for a separate investigation into Aponte’s Facebook posts. The motion was approved, and an Ad Hoc Incident Review Committee was formed to review the posts. The five-member committee included Aponte’s longtime ally, Garry Shay.
Knock LA obtained a copy of the investigation’s report, which was finalized in June 2019 and sent only to the eight members of the Executive Team. In Aponte’s statement to the committee, he defends each of his insensitive posts, which he maintains are not “racist [or] bigoted.” He claims Buisson only called out his comments because of a “personal vendetta.”
The committee’s assessment notes that Aponte’s posts are in “poor taste” and that each of the committee members would “know better than to make these kind of comments.” However, they largely accept Aponte’s justifications, some of which strain credulity (in one example, he insists that his sarcastic use of racial slurs “was in no way meant to condone the use of racial slurs in place names, but rather the opposite.” He doesn’t elaborate further.)
Ultimately, the committee decides that the posts are not grounds for Aponte’s removal. The report concludes: “What appears most important now is to move forward from this point.”
It’s unclear whether the investigation’s findings were ever revealed to the full Steering Committee or the membership at large. Wishon claims the investigation’s report was presented at a general membership meeting; however, Knock LA reviewed the minutes for every meeting from 2018 to June 2021, and there is no mention of the incident review committee’s existence.
According to a current Steering Committee member, at some point Aponte made a brief apology and deleted the Facebook posts, but that’s where the consequences ended. In May 2019, Aponte was nominated, unopposed, for a second term as president. Three of the five members of the official nominating committee were also involved in the incident review committee, whose investigation into Aponte was still ongoing.
Ultimately, Aponte was reelected, and his now-deleted racist Facebook posts were seemingly never mentioned again. During this same time, however, Stonewall was implicated in a wave of controversies that weren’t so easily swept under the rug.
In November 2018, Eric Bauman resigned as CDP Chair after an onslaught of sexual harassment allegations. In January 2019, a second body was found in Ed Buck’s apartment. Later that year, a third victim narrowly escaped from Buck’s home alive, and Buck was finally arrested. He was eventually indicted on nine counts by a federal grand jury, and his trial is currently underway.
Meanwhile, in November 2020, John Erickson, a major player in several of Stonewall’s internal scandals, was elected to West Hollywood City Council, thanks in part to the resources that came along with his endorsement by Stonewall. Notably, four of the eight eligible candidates were inexplicably barred from participating in Stonewall’s endorsement process, and although two council seats were open, Stonewall’s membership voted to endorse only Erickson — Sepi Shyne, an LGBTQIA+ woman of color, failed to reach the 60% vote threshold for endorsement.
On May 24, Aponte announced his candidacy for a third term as Stonewall president. Interestingly, the same day as his announcement, he changed his Facebook cover photo to the Inclusive Pride flag that he previously decried as “stupid.” His slate, which is running on a platform of diversity and inclusion, includes five men and one straight woman (Wishon).
This time, however, Aponte isn’t the only candidate in the running — although he was chosen by the official nominating committee, another Stonewall member submitted a nomination for Alex Mohajer, who currently serves as Chair of Public and Media Relations.
According to Mackenzie Hussman, this year’s election has been tense from the very beginning, when the nominating committee itself was being chosen. “I felt rushed,” she said. “They were trying to put select people through who would nominate whoever [the current officers] wanted to.”
When other Steering Committee members spoke up and suggested different names for the nomination committee, there was procedural confusion. “They were just shocked that people would not go with what they were saying,” Hussman said. “It’s just been very key prominent people running this club without check or challenge, and now there’s people challenging them. You can tell they feel threatened.”
Hussman notes that Aponte has personally blocked several Steering Committee members on Facebook, ostensibly for opposing his campaign for reelection. In a blast of deja vu, Hussman, who is Chair of Social Media, and another communications team member were both inexplicably locked out of Stonewall’s social media accounts on July 12 with no explanation, although their access was restored when the issue was brought to Operations VP Bott’s attention.
According to Hussman, the only people who could have revoked the access are Bott, Aponte, and Wishon. When Knock LA asked Wishon about the incident, she explained vaguely, “The Operations team examined all our permissions on the website and socials. Two members were moved to different permissions on [Facebook], but as soon as Operations was made aware that the previous level was required in order to stream they were moved back to their original levels.”
Despite the internal dissent, Aponte still enjoys widespread support from the Democratic establishment. His reelection campaign has been endorsed by John Erickson; West Hollywood Mayor Lindsey Horvath; State Assemblymembers Reggie Jones-Sawyer, Laura Friedman, Jesse Gabriel, and Isaac Bryan; State Senators Ben Allen, Anthony Portantino, and Sydney Kamlager; LA City Councilmembers Paul Koretz and Mike Bonin; LA County Supervisor Holly Mitchell; LACDP Chair Mark Gonzalez; CDP Executive Director Yvette Martinez; and at least six DNC members.
As this roster of supporters suggests, the implications of Stonewall’s internal drama extend far and wide through state and local politics.
To Buisson, the problems at Stonewall are emblematic of a larger problem with how the Democratic Party treats marginalized communities, particularly the Black women on whose votes and volunteer labor they rely. She notes that the refusal to prioritize the needs of diverse communities could be an existential threat to the Party’s survival.
“Juneteenth does not make up for George Floyd. And Kamala Harris does not make up for all the slights that women of color suffer,” she said. “[Last year], the entire region went ultra progressive. We had a record turnout. And yet they’re still trying to preach to us, you know, what the well-heeled people want. You think that they would realize where this is headed… The younger voters are willing to suffer through a Republican administration to teach the Democrats a lesson.”
But perhaps one of the most worrying consequences of Stonewall’s toxic culture is the impact on the LGBTQIA+ community. “I don’t want these creeps mentoring our queer youth. I don’t want them jaded and cynical after their first election,” Buisson said. “We can’t have vulnerable people having weak leaders or corrupt leaders. That does harm to our children and makes them even more isolated.”
“I think at the end of the day, this is about restoring the important place that organizations like Stonewall play in the progressive movement,” Paris added. “We can sit by and let the party apparatus do what it’s going to do to protect its insular interests, or we can stand up and fight back for the interests of the people that the party proclaims that it is in service of.”
Buisson believes the first step is to expel Aponte, not just from Stonewall, but from the CDP, where he currently serves as co-chair of the LGBT Caucus. Beyond that, she suggests that the LACDP should temporarily revoke Stonewall’s charter — essentially disaffiliating the organization from the Democratic Party — until the internal issues are addressed.
This seems unlikely to happen, given that the LACDP’s executive director and parliamentarian are both members of Stonewall’s Executive Team, and LACDP Chair Mark Gonzalez has endorsed Aponte’s reelection campaign. But Buisson is hopeful that public pressure from elected officials could be enough to turn the tide and hold Aponte accountable.
“It’s one call from one of them… to the chair of the state party, to expel him, and to sanction Stonewall,” Buisson said. “It’s one call [from] one elected. That’s all it takes. And I’m laying down that gauntlet. Which one of you is it going to be?”
Knock LA contacted Aponte, who responded with a completely blank email. Garry Shay declined to comment. John Erickson didn’t respond to requests for comment.
The new revelations have added to questions about why it took so long to build a case against Buck. Community activists and Moore’s family have been particularly critical of Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey for not prosecuting Buck in the wake of the first death and have questioned the efforts of sheriff’s investigators.
In the time between Moore’s death and Buck’s arrest, a second man died of a drug overdose in his apartment, and authorities say a third nearly died of an overdose before escaping to a gas station and calling 911.
At least eight other men alleged to authorities that Buck provided them with drugs in exchange for participating in his drug-fueled sexual fetishes. Several claimed Buck injected them while they were sleeping, and two described incidents that amounted to allegations of sexual misconduct.
In an email, district attorney’s office spokesman Greg Risling said the agency “is legally and ethically required and committed to only bring charges that have sufficient, admissible evidence to convince an objective jury of a defendant’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.”
He declined a Times request for an interview and did not respond to a list of questions about the office’s decision not to charge Buck with lesser drug crimes or whether it had evaluated the sexual misconduct allegations.
Buck’s attorney, Seymour Amster, declined to discuss the case. The sheriff’s department also declined to comment.
Evidentiary issues appear to have plagued the original case against Buck. In a document filed when the district attorney’s declined to file charges in 2018, prosecutors listed insufficient evidence and an “inadmissible search and seizure” among the reasons not to prosecute Buck. Law enforcement leaders have never explained what, if any, illegal conduct was committed during the initial search of Buck’s home.
Lacey has said hearsay rules would have prevented prosecutors from using Moore’s journal against Buck. Legal experts suggested the same might have barred the testimony of his mother, LaTisha Nixon, who said Moore claimed Buck forced him to use meth.
Court records suggest that local prosecutors who declined to charge Buck in 2018 reviewed the same principal evidence that federal prosecutors did this year, though Risling said the charge connected to Moore’s death that was levied by federal prosecutors does not exist under California law.
While that is true, experts said Lacey’s office could have considered an involuntary manslaughter charge under state law. The likely explanation is that the federal charge carries a much stiffer penalty, said Laurie Levenson, a Loyola law school professor and former federal prosecutor who reviewed the affidavit filed in support of federal charges.
Buck would have faced a maximum of four years in prison if convicted of involuntary manslaughter in state court. He would serve a minimum of 20 years in prison if convicted of the federal charge.
Levenson said that the district attorney’s office probably could have charged Buck with a drug offense much sooner than it did.
“After two deaths … I don’t think there’s any doubt that there was probably a time before this week for them to go forward on these charges,” she said.
Levenson also said the additional witnesses probably were critical to the decision to charge Buck. Establishing a pattern of dangerous behavior would go a long way to short-circuiting his defense, she said.
“The prosecutors were anticipating the defense in Moore’s case to be ‘It was an accident.’ You don’t have an accident 10 times, so the pattern is key,” Levenson said. “Even though the facts haven’t changed, how you perceive them does.”
Federal prosecutors became involved in the case in June, after it was referred to their attention by a sheriff’s deputy working on a federal drug task force, said Thom Mrozek, a spokesman for the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles. The federal case is expected to proceed to trial first.
While state and federal agencies said they collaborated on the case, law enforcement sources previously told The Times that there was a debate over which jurisdiction to charge Buck in. One source described the situation as a “fight.”
It is unclear why the district attorney’s office did not act on the drug-related accusations described in the federal complaint, though the court documents do not list specific dates and times of those incidents, meaning they could have been beyond a statute of limitations or difficult to corroborate.
The charges brought by the district attorney’s office this month are focused on a single victim, identified only as “Joe Doe.” The man, who spoke to The Times last week, said he had been homeless until he moved into Buck’s residence in late July.
According to the federal complaint, he lived with Buck for nearly five weeks, using drugs or having sex almost daily. After fleeing from Buck earlier this month, the man landed back on the street. The man declined to discuss his relationship with Buck.
Activists and attorneys involved in the case said the sheer volume of allegations in the federal complaint suggest Buck should have been arrested earlier.
“There were numerous Joe Does, and over two years, our team worked together to bring seven or eight Joe Does to the county. The county interviewed them,” said Hussain Turk, an attorney representing Nixon. “During these interviews, they each told their stories about how they were forced to ingest or forcibly injected with crystal methamphetamine at lethal doses, sometimes while they were passed out, not even conscious.”
West Hollywood Mayor Pro Tem Lindsey Horvath said she tried to encourage the district attorney to allow potential witnesses to speak with immunity from prosecution from other potential crimes, such as drug use or prostitution, in the wake of Moore’s death, but her calls to Lacey’s office were not returned. Horvath said she was able to speak to Lacey only after a second man, 55-year-old Timothy Dean, died in Buck’s apartment in January.
Attorney Nana Gyamfi, who represents some of the witnesses, said investigators expressed doubt about the men’s stories because they were sex workers.
“It was like they kept trying to disprove their own case,” she said.
Risling said “witness credibility” was among the issues that weighed on prosecutors when they declined to charge Buck in 2018, but he did not elaborate.
Nixon has repeatedly said authorities seemed uninterested in her son’s case, rarely contacting her during the investigation into his death. Nixon said she received one phone call from a sheriff’s detective last year — to tell her about the decision not to charge Buck.
She heard from county officials at least once more: when the coroner’s office sent her a bill for removing her son’s body from Buck’s home.
“I was going to pay it at first, but I thought about it and I said, why would I pay for someone murdering my son?” she asked.
Under California law, coroner’s offices can charge fees for the “transportation and storage of decedents.” Sarah Ardalani, a spokeswoman for the Los Angeles County coroner’s office, said the agency makes exceptions in the case of homicides, the deaths of military veterans and victims under 14, or if the family requests a fee waiver because of financial hardship. Moore’s death had been ruled accidental at the time, and Nixon did not apply for a fee waiver, Ardalani said.
Some have suggested that Buck’s status as a wealthy Democratic donor may have insulated him from prosecution at first. Buck, who first gained prominence as a registered Republican in Arizona, had contributed more than $500,000 to progressive causes in the last decade and supported candidates for the West Hollywood City Council, Los Angeles Unified School District board and the reelection campaign of Mayor Eric Garcetti.
But his donations to the campaigns of the law enforcement leaders tasked with pursuing him were small. Records show Buck donated $100 to Lacey in 2012. He never donated to the campaigns of former Sheriff Jim McDonnell or Sheriff Alex Villanueva, county records show.
Levenson said there were also other hurdles to charging Buck with Moore’s death.
“To be fair to Lacey’s people, there are some interesting causation issues, at least with the Moore case,” she said. “How were they going to prove it was Buck’s meth? How were they going to prove that Buck forced Moore to do this? Those are all legitimate questions.”
It remains unclear if Buck could face additional charges. Lacey has said he remains a “suspect” in Moore’s and Dean’s deaths.
Nixon said she is frustrated that it took a two-year saga to charge Buck but hopes federal authorities can finally succeed where others failed.
“I think they initially didn’t care. Think about it,” she said. “The black, gay community, a lot of people don’t care about them. I honestly think that’s why it took them so long.” Nixon said.
Wombaticus Rex » Wed Jul 21, 2021 10:34 pm wrote:>what was the "three-month internship" that took Edward Bernard Peter Buckmelter to Yugoslavia in college and started his modeling career?
>what was the network that took him to Paris, Amsterdam and Tokyo from there?
Buck was born in Steubenville, Ohio, and moved to Phoenix with his family as a child, according to The Republic archives. He attended Phoenix public schools. Buck spent three months studying in Europe under a U.S. State Department student exchange program. There he parlayed a friendship made at the Munich Oktoberfest into a five-year-long modeling and television career.
Returning to Phoenix in 1980, Buck got a job as a bicycle courier for an insurance information business. He later bought the then-ailing business, taught himself programming and developed the business into a $1 million-a-year operation with offices in three states. He sold the Rapid Info Services franchise in 1986 for an estimated $1 million.
When I first met Buck, around 1980, he had recently moved to Amsterdam from Paris where he had also modeled. After Amsterdam he moved back to Phoenix, where he taught modeling at the Power’s modeling school. Although we did not see each other for long periods of time, we remained in touch both by telephone and correspondence. There was no email in those days. By 1985, I had returned to Miami to model, and Buck, having had his spectacular business success, came to South Beach
John Robert Powers, creator of what is believed to be the world's first modeling agency, which led to an aura of glamour and affluence that drew thousands of women, men and eventually competitors to what is now a billiondollar industry, died Tuesday at St. Joseph's Medical Center in Glendale, Calif. He was 84 years old and had been ill for many months.
It was in the 1920's when Mr. Powers came to New York City with hopes of becoming an actor, that circumstances led to his founding a modeling agency.
In an interview he once explained that he had overheard a businessman say he wanted a group of attractive people to pose for a magazine advertisement. Mr. Powers said he rounded up friends and later delivered the picture.
Because of his instant success, he said, he bound a catalogue of additional pictures and distributed them to advertising agencies. The idea “took,” he said, and John Powers Inc. was in business.
With his partner, Sir Herbert Beerbohm Tree, Mr. Powers boasted that his select collection of 100 models had been chosen from a million women, whose poise and beauty could not be matched either by Hollywood movie stars or well‐dressed society women.
But Barbara Stanwyck and Constance Bennett were Powers models who later achieved success in motion pictures as well. Men who later became box office idols to Americans were also among his early employees, including Henry Fonda, Tyrone Power and Fredric March.
...he opened the doors to the first personality development school and created a curriculum that was to be the core for executive skills, modeling, acting and social skills. These courses are offered worldwide through the John Robert Powers Schools.
Powers believed that there was no such thing as an unattractive person, only people who did not know how to make the most of themselves. Naturalness was his gospel. He encourages his female students to "make down, instead of make-up". To date, our schools still believe and teach this philosophy. Be yourself. Be natural. Be the best you can be because that is what John Robert Powers is all about.
Famous personalities from the political and movie world make up a long list of people who have gone through the John Robert Powers Programs. First Ladies Jackie Kennedy and Betty Ford, Princess Grace of Monaco, Jennifer Jones, Raquel Welch, Ava Gardner, Barbara Stanwyck, Lucille Ball, Lee Remick, Ann Margaret, Henry Fonda, Tyrone Power, Fredrick March, Ryan Locke, Ben Gould (Saved by the Bell), Faith Ford (Murphy Brown Show), Farrah Fawcett, James Dean, Diana Ross, Porntip Nakhirunkanok (Miss Universe), Kylie Versoza (Miss International 2016), Josh Duhamel, Jessica Sanchez, Brenda Song and H'hen Nie (Miss Universe 2018 Top 5) just to name a few.
John Powers Inc. shaped American standards for the ideal female model. The svelte, tall women that strut through the agency's doors — "long-stemmed American beauties" as illustrator William Brown called them — became synonymous with high fashion in the 1930s and 1940s.
Their agent, John Robert Powers, had served for years as an aide to Vogue chief photographer Baron Adolphe de Meyer. He acted the part of informal recruiter and liaison between de Meyer and the society matrons and theatrical stars who posed for him, just as fashion modeling was taking off as a viable career for women of all classes and backgrounds.
In 1923, the failed thespian opened his eponymous agency in Midtown to represent mostly photogenic actors, including Henry Fonda and Fredric March, and screen sirens such as Gene Tierney, Ava Gardner, Barbara Stanwyck and Lauren Bacall.
Powers initially charged his clients a 5 percent commission, as was custom for theatrical agents of the era. By 1946, he was taking a 10 percent cut, a share more in line with those claimed by employment agencies.
A quarter of his models' earnings in that era came from less-than-glamorous work — mail-order catalogs for companies such as Sears, Roebuck and Co., then popular in rural America.
Even so, they held sway over the American imagination, as a 1941 photo essay in Coronet magazine indicates: “They sip your favorite coffee, drive your dream car, display the latest fashion, show you how to cook a waffle — for they are potent forces in the scheme of American advertising."
The faces and figures of Powers' models may have graced magazine covers and runways, but they didn't monopolize the public's attention.
"They come from all over America," the Coronet essay continues, "to an office on Park Avenue … where a quiet, discerning man named John Robert Powers appraises their charms, selects, sorts and schools them for the job of selling sables to society or groceries to the great American housewife.”
The agent, who also recruited at beauty pageants, compared inclusion among his model catalogs to another contemporary feminine status symbol. "Twenty years ago, a girl might have said with justifiable pride, 'I belong a sorority,'" Powers was quoted as saying in Life magazine in 1946. "Today, she will tell you, 'I am a Powers girl.'"
Most "Powers girls" in the pages of Vogue and Harper's Bazaar fit the same physical requirements: they were 5-foot-9-inches or taller and their measurements aligned closely to a voluptuous 34-24-34.
Powers' models made him rich, but some women complained of his stinginess. The entrepreneur didn’t always pass along their share of earnings from assignments, they said.
The returns on his operation declined after 1946, the year competitor Ford Models was founded. Unlike the Powers' agency, Ford systematically recorded telephone orders and cancelations for models, and collected clients’ and models’ availabilities to schedule appointments.
But the Powers Charm School, which offered 10 weeks of instruction in such subjects as hygiene, posture and voice, continued to provide a widely respected finishing education for models.
Jennifer Rebar, 9, is the model of decorum as she sits demurely on the edge of a couch in the foyer of the John Robert Powers Modeling and Finishing School in Fort Lauderdale.
With her hands folded in her lap and her ankles gracefully crossed, she waits patiently for her classmates to arrive.
Jennifer and six other children ages 6 through 9 are enrolled in a three- week program, "Social Skills for Master and Miss," being held at the school.
...Powers opened its 80th school, in Tokyo, in 1987.
Today there are four Powers schools in Japan. The Tokyo school alone has graduated more than 1,500 in four years. This school offers three courses a week, including one night course. Each class is limited to 10 students.
...
Each course has eight classes on subjects such as table manners, hair styling, makeup, dress coordination, personal development and communication skills. Instructors include Wanda Miyajima, from a Polish noble family, who teaches table manners and setting, religion and Western feminism.
''Our approach is to polish the appearance and personality. We believe both are equally important,'' said Mami Nyunoya, director of the Tokyo school.
...
Last year Nyunoya organized a nine-day-tour to London and Paris, which offered an opportunity to have high tea at the Rothchild London residence.
''It has become important for Japanese women to establish self-identity,'' Nyunoya said. ''Ideally, lessons like ours should be taught at home. But there are no role models to meet current demands, so women come to our school.''
Those schools have evolved into instructional programs for children, naturally:
semper occultus » Fri Jul 23, 2021 11:42 am wrote:but there I go - not only hijacking your thread but steering right back towards the other side of the human trade which is exactly what Buckmelter isn't about. If Gacy, Dahmer, Dennis Nilsen etc tell us anything its that evil offers opportunities for all persuasions.
Gilmer, Nova (1914 - 1968)
It doesn’t even seem like a real name — more like one of John Robert Powers’ or Harry Conover’s marketing ploys, designed to launch his newest finds with the maximum possible splash. Marion Sorrensen became Chili Williams; Sheila Lynch was reborn as Choo-Choo Johnson. But Nova Gilmer, as it turns out, was Nova Gilmer all along.
Born in Texas, Gilmer had been adventurous from the start; she left home at 14, and wound up in Paris modelling for Schiaparelli and Patou. At 22, she left Europe for Mexico, where she was discovered by George Hoyningen-Huene. He photographed her for Bazaar before she’d even joined a model agency, and persuaded her to move to New York.
Gilmer’s success continued in Manhattan; she became a popular editorial and commercial model (and a gossip column regular), with a glamorous apartment in the Upper Fifties. And she became one of Erwin Blumenfeld’s muses — part of that group of strikingly unusual faces, alongside Tedi Thurman and Victoria Von Hagen — that allowed the photographer to explore his obsessions with shadow, colour and light.
What she wanted to be, though, was a painter. ‘Maybe,’ she said wistfully, ‘fifty years after I’m dead, someone will discover what an artist this little model has been!” No-one did. All that’s left, instead, are a handful of photos and clippings — and Gilmer’s battered hatbox, currently on sale on eBay for 14 dollars.
Nova was certainly adventurous, especially during her time in Mexico. According to a once-classified report provided to the OSS—the Office of Strategic Services, World War II forerunner of the CIA—while in Mexico Nova was thought to be the mistress of the Charge d'Affairs at the French Embassy. She was also among a group of people who accompanied George Vanderbilt on a voyage aboard his yacht. The group traveled up the east coast of Mexico, then went ashore to spend time at the remote estate of a known German agent, Hans Wemberg. In the weeks following the group's return to Mexico City, several of the individuals—including Nova—reported being harassed and intimidated by "persons unknown." The troubles helped convince Nova to move on to New York. OSS ultimately concluded that the attackers were Axis agents.
Day Five
Donald Schulze, also known as Taylor Thomas to his clients, testified that he sold meth to Buck on at least 20 occasions between May 2018 and January 2019, including
on January 5, 2019, the day before Timothy Dean went to Buck’s apartment and died the next morning. Schulze testified that Buck started off buying $100 worth of meth, equivalent to 7 grams, and then moved up to buying 14 grams of meth just about every week from him. Buck once bought 28 grams.
Schulze, who is from Tujunga, said that he met Ed Buck through a mutual friend he called “J” in 2018. Interesting. I know a friend of Buck’s whose name starts with J. This same friend went out of his way to discourage witnesses to come forward to the police about Ed Buck after the death of Gemmel. This person was/is also an attorney for Ed Buck. I wonder if it’s the same person. I’ll have to do research and request some documents to find out.
Schulze also testified that he typically dropped off the meth to Buck outside Buck’s apartment on Laurel. However, they met in various strip mall parking lots around West Hollywood including on Sunset and Fairfax where Buck wore dark sunglasses and tried to appear incognito because he told Schulze the media was following him. That was probably CBS 2’s David Goldstein. He also testified he sold meth to Ed Buck at a U.S. Post Office off Sherman Way and at a needle exchange location in Hollywood.
The jury was shown multiple text messages between Buck and Schulze that confirmed their meetups for their meth deals.
For Christmas, Schulze gave Ed Buck 7 grams of meth for free as a present to which Buck texted him, “WOW THANKS.”
During Schulze’s cross-examination, the defense highlighted the fact that he admitted on his direct examination that he had made a deal with the feds in order not to be prosecuted for selling drugs. Well, duh.
...
Victim #6 testified that Buck had a very controlled environment where guests had a station. Buck, led him to believe that cameras were everywhere. Victim #6 had to ask permission to go to the bathroom and all of the “play” props were meticulously organized (which corroborates other victim accounts).
Victim #6 testified that on his first visit to Buck’s he thought Buck’s setup was atypical from the normal for party and play.
“It was a lot of all of it. Lots of underwear,” Victim #6 told the jury.
Buck provided Victim #6 with meth and GHB and insisted on keeping him as high as possible.
...
Victim #6 said that he couldn’t inject himself and that Buck did it.
He also said that Buck told him that it was unusual for him to hang out with a white guy.
...
On cross-examination, Christopher Darden said that party and play was a part of the lifestyle in West Hollywood and among gay men.
During his opening, Darden said that Ed Buck’s behavior was no different than millions of other men like him.
Victim #7 identified the red toolbox containing sex toys and the flashlight with the false bottom.
He corroborated the accounts of the victims I interviewed about Ed Buck referring to the red fabric hanging up by the front door as the “Gate of Hell.”
Victim #7 said that Ed Buck had the injections ready and that he wanted to inject him immediately.
“And then Mr. Buck insisted that he do it. He wanted to do it from the get-go. But um, you know, he is–he was very shaky, and he ended up missing that night on my arm.”
He said that as he was floating in and out of consciousness Ed Buck was choking and slapping him. He said that Buck stopped to caress his face at one point.
When Victim #7 finally came too, he said he woke up to Ed Buck coming at him with two needles.
“He was walking towards me with two points in his hands. Two needles filled with crystals.”
Victim #7 said that Buck told him, “the party is just getting started.”
Victim #7 said that he reminded Buck of their agreement and that he had to get ready for school. He said that he got nervous because of Buck’s attitude about him wanting to leave so he texted a friend to come and get him.
The jury was shown the text message.
Victim #7 said that Buck threw his money on the counter, he took it and left.
...
Victim #7 said that Ed Buck was adamant that he watch him prepare the needles of meth.
He noticed that Buck was using one bag for one needle and another bag for another needle which he thought was very odd. He said that he told Buck he wants the same meth that Buck is taking and not from a different bag.
“And I just didn’t understand how–why somebody would go into two different bags and neither one of them was almost empty. You had to be in this situation or know anything about the life in order to get what I’m saying.”
Victim #7 said that as soon as Buck injected him, he went down.
“I went down. I lost mobility. I could not–I couldn’t move. The only thing I could move were [sic] my eyeballs.”
Victim #7 estimated that he was down on the ground for 5 or six hours.
I was 100% aware of everything that was going on. My eyes were open. I could hear. I just couldn’t lift my fingers. I couldn’t move my tongue. I couldn’t move anything.
“He [Buck] was scrambling around the apartment, you know, the whole entire time. Not once did he come and check me and ask me was I okay?”
Victim #7 said that Buck then came out of the closet with a chainsaw.
The jury had previously seen photos of a chainsaw in Buck’s utility closet.
Victim #7 continued, “He started walking towards me with a chainsaw. It was so loud. That scared of me.”
Victim #7 said that Buck had a look on his face.
He said Buck refused to pay him and he even had another person come over to make him leave. He said that Buck eventually sent him his money via Zelle.
The jury saw the Zelle payment of $300.
Day Six
Through text messages shown to the jury, we saw that Ed Buck was getting drugs from a “Topher.”
He bought one “ball of T” and one ounce of “JET.”
The ball of T is an 8 ball of meth and the JET was Ketamine.
Ketamine is used in cats for restraint or as the sole anesthetic agent for diagnostic or minor, brief, surgical procedures that do not require skeletal muscle relaxation. It may be used in subhuman primates for restraint.
At one point, Ed Buck ordered 10 ounces.
...
Victim #8 talked about going on the run with Ed Buck before Buck eventually came back home. Victim #8 says that Buck allowed him to move in with him–but never gave him a key. In return, he was supposed to help around the house and be willing to be injected and take GHB when Ed Buck wanted him to.
“He said he was the Engine Man and he wanted to be in control.”
Victim #8 said he woke up once after a couple of days of partying and playing with 6 or 7 metal rings on his penis and that his penis had gone completely numb.
On September 4, Victim #8 felt like he was having a heart attack and asked Ed Buck to take him to urgent care.
At this point, the jury is shown video surveillance footage of Victim #8 and Ed Buck walking to his car from Buck’s apartment.
About a week later Victim #8 overdoses a second time at Ed Buck’s and when Buck wouldn’t help him, he says he heard his mother’s voice telling him to get out of there.
The jury sees video surveillance footage showing Victim #8 leaving Ed Buck’s apartment alone.
Following this, the jury hears the 911 call made at the Shell Gas Station where Victim #8 went to get help as well as sees the video surveillance footage from the station showing the paramedics taking him.
...
It dawned on me again today while sitting in court, that Ed Buck never moved after Gemmel Moore’s death or Timothy Dean’s. That as far as we know, the same exact mattress that was there when Gemmel Moore died was there when Timothy died and was there when all of those men were there at Ed Buck’s.
Ugghh.
Friday morning, Victim #8 will undergo cross-examination, and then the prosecution is expected to rest. As far as we know the defense as one witness–a hired gun to dispute the causes of death for Gemmel Moore and Timothy. Ed Buck is not expected to take the stand.
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