My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby Joe Hillshoist » Tue Jan 26, 2010 4:33 am

Nordic wrote:Which brings me to something I thought of earlier today -- where are all those protestors, the ones who ran wild in the streets and got themselves gassed and peppersprayed during WTO conferences and the like? Where are all those people, who seem really ballsy, and why are they not protesting, every day, at the Goldman Sachs building, and at wherever nasty puss-filled office building that Glenn Beck walks into every day?

WTF?

Or was that all bullshit? Were the WTO protests all 100% provocateur stuff?

I do not understand my fellow man any more. Not one bit. Americans are like those Jews getting into the cattle cars without a whimper. "Yes, sir, sure wouldn't want to break the law, sir. Just tell me where to go, sir. Please, whatever you do, do NOT let this affect my credit score!".

What the fucking fuck?


WTF happened?

Sept 11 2001 and an open heroin pipeline...
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby American Dream » Wed Jan 27, 2010 10:27 am

Glenn Beck's Gestapo Tactics -- Assailing Obama and Progressives with Holocaust Imagery
By Eric Burns, AlterNet
Posted on January 27, 2010


http://www.alternet.org/story/145430/


When Glenn Beck aired an hour-long documentary titled "Revolutionary Holocaust: Live Free or Die" last Friday, it marked a major turning point in the annals of television.

The film, narrated by Beck himself, purported to reveal "really disturbing and shocking stuff," specifically the "dirty little secret" that progressive political beliefs led inexorably to "some of the most horrifying outcomes in history." With help from interview subjects like Jonah Goldberg, author of the book Liberal Fascism, Beck linked the progressive political movement to such nightmares as China’s Cultural Revolution and Hitler's gas chambers. Beck alternated images of the emaciated, tortured bodies of the victims he blamed on progressivism with archival footage of Goebbels, Stalin and Mao.

Behold, America, the future of conservative media.

There was a time when such stunningly irresponsible and historically dubious assertions were the province of isolated individuals holding homemade signs at rallies -- but no longer. "The Revolutionary Holocaust" was watched by nearly four million Americans. And it was broadcast by one of the world's largest media conglomerates, News Corporation, which made no effort to disassociate itself from the program's content.

Partisan media -- even rabidly partisan media -- has existed in America for as long as our nation has. Vicious attacks against perceived political opponents aren't anything new, either, and in that way, Glenn Beck is merely the latest polemicist willing to assault his enemies -- as well as basic logic -- in order to make a buck. (And he makes plenty.)

But never before has such commentary been hitched to the star of a multinational media conglomerate, one capable of beaming the resulting invective into hundreds of millions of homes in real time. Never before has a company as influential as News Corp. been willing to back a host like Beck in the face of mounting pressure from advertisers.

Even after 80 different sponsors announced they would no longer advertise on Beck's show, News Corp. CEO Rupert Murdoch was still willing to personally defend the host, offering his own nonsensical defense of Beck's infamous accusation that our nation’s first African American president harbored "a deep seated hatred for white people."

"Even if you think I'm wildly irresponsible," Beck said a few weeks ago, "you have to know that News Corp. is not stupid. It's a company worth billions of dollars. Do you really think this corporation would risk everything on an irresponsible crazy guy?"

The answer, apparently, is yes.

And no wonder: Beck is the rising star of Fox News, a conservative entrepreneur of immense capabilities who is developing and capitalizing on new right-wing markets with unmatched skill. Despite the fact that he only joined Fox at the beginning of 2009 and was given the network's undesirable 5pm time slot, Beck is routinely the second-most-watched prime-time host on TV. He's also a self-styled political activist, having created the "9/12 Project" and then guided it through its first major protest last September, an event alternately known as the Tea Party march on Washington, DC. And Beck has promised to double down in 2010 -- again, with Fox's blessing and support. He'll soon publish a book called The Plan, and he aims to organize educational seminars around the country at which he'll preach his own brand of revisionist history.

Beck's inability to accurately evaluate the past doesn't mean that he lacks vision. His documentary last Friday was merely the latest salvo in his war against all facets of progressive political thought, the kind of war on ideas that Ronald Reagan waged so effectively, helping to reframe the electorate's understanding of crucial issues. In picking this fight, Beck is ahead of the curve, finding new ways to encapsulate the principles and values held by conservatives.

In much the same way, Beck is drawing the battle lines for what has become a media-driven conservative movement unapologetically dedicated to the destruction of the Obama administration. Selectively working off of a new generation of Matt Drudge-inspired "journalists" like Andrew Breitbart, Beck is picking and choosing which lines of attack the right will take. For example, he was among the first to popularize the trumped-up ACORN "scandals," the fictitious claims of a propaganda operation involving the National Educational Association, and the alleged radicalism of Obama appointees Van Jones, Mark Lloyd, John Holdren and Anita Dunn, among others. At a time of immense challenges, the White House was forced to respond to each of these pseudo-stories in turn.

As Fox News continues down the road toward becoming the country's first-ever 24/7 political campaign run by an independent media operation, progressives must understand the degree to which Beck has increasingly taken the wheel. They must understand his uncanny ability to reach out to new groups of disaffected voters, and must counter and isolate the lies and misinformation he spreads on a daily basis. And they must ensure the "Beck-o chamber" he seeks to create fails to gain any more influence than it already has.


Eric Burns is the president of Media Matters for America.
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby 82_28 » Mon Feb 01, 2010 5:52 am

This kind of shit makes me want to kick the faces in of the bona fide fascists who pretend to not know what the fuck they are doing. THEY KNOW THEY ARE MAKING SHIT UP!

Anyhoo. . . Here is David Neiwert's latest, a man I have met and is as approachable as any. Extremely sincere and obsessively concerned with fascism -- and "obsessively" meant, not in the bad way.

Jonah responds to the historians -- sort of

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/david-nei ... view=print

When we first published that series of historians' critiques of Jonah Goldberg's Liberal Fascism at HNN last week, the official word was that Goldberg had declined to respond, though we had notified him ahead of time that the essays were coming.

Well, it seems he changed his mind.

Sort of.

Actually, as you can see, Goldberg really only deigns to respond in any depth to one of his critics -- Robert Paxton, whose essay on Goldberg's scholarly flaws is damning indeed. I'll mostly let Dr. Paxton speak for himself in his own response, except that, as I'll explain, Goldberg's evasive reply is largely in line with the kind of exchange I've previously had with Goldberg.

The rest of us he airily dismisses. Indeed, according to Goldberg, the entire enterprise was tainted by the fact of my participation:

Let me say up front that selecting David Neiwert to "introduce" the discussion - without telling me in advance - is pretty strong evidence that this symposium was intended a priori to discredit the book rather than honestly discuss it (usually, introducers at least pretend to be evenhanded). The slanderous and absurd bile in some of these initial responses - comparing my book to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and me to a Nazi propagandist - runs completely counter to the spirit of open debate. I would like to think that HNN didn't know what it was getting into when it started this project.

So forgive me if I take all of this gnashing of teeth and rending of cloth over the polemical - as opposed to scholarly - nature of Liberal Fascism with a grain of salt. Neiwert and Bertlet are deeply invested in their cottage industry of spotting fascism and Nazism in the Republican Party, talk radio and elsewhere. In nearly every respect they are both caricature and embodiment of precisely the mindset I attack in my book (a mindset Professor Paxton claims doesn't exist). Heaven forbid I adopt a Marxist mode of analysis, but it's fair to say that for them to treat Liberal Fascism respectfully would be like a Luddite welcoming the cotton mill. I've dealt with Neiwert's arguments before, so I won't waste more time on him here.

Well, it's true that I previously had a brief running exchange with Goldberg, largely in response to my review for The American Prospect. What you might miss from Jonah's link, though, is the the way Goldberg abruptly ended the discussion by dismissing me as no longer worth his time:

Here's my grand theory about this guy. He's made his career hyping the terrible threat from the Posse Comitatus, Aryan Nations and American Nazi Party and so like the bureaucrats in Office Space who think TPS reports are the most important thing in the world, he can't seem to grasp that they're pretty trivial.

In other words, he came to his understanding of fascism by following bands of racist white losers in the Idaho woods while using some Marxist tract or other as a field guide to identify the various species he encountered. In other words, he's internalized every cliché and propagandandistic talking point I set out to demolish in my book. Moreover, his career depends on maintaining his version of the fascist peril. So, he's banging his spoon on his highchair a lot because my book undercuts his whole reason for being.

... So, you want my short answer to why I don't discuss, say, the Posse Comitatus? Okay here it is: Who gives a rat's ass about the Posse Comitatus?

I'm sure Neirwert's gorillas-in-the-mist reportage on these guys is top notch, and I'll take his word for it their bad guys. But being bad guys alone doesn't in and of itself make them fascists. Indeed, from my limited understanding of what these guys believe, they are radical localists , who don't believe any government above the county level is legitimate. Do I really have to spell out why that's not exactly in keeping with hyper-statist ideology of Nazis and Italian Fascists? "Everything in Hazard County, nothing outside Hazard County," has a nice ring to it, but the Hegelian God-State it is not.

Ah, yes. The My Superior Mind Is Grappling With Great Metaphysical Questions While You Are Merely Wallowing In Insignificant Details dismissal.

Of course, I shortly responded in some detail. Judge for yourselves, but I believe I pretty thoroughly demolished Goldberg's "Grand Theory" about me (he had nearly every detail wrong).

All for naught, of course; I had already been summarily dismissed by his Superior Mind:

After today, I doubt I will deal with Neiwert again -- at least not at any length -- for one simple reason. Virtually every rebuttal to what he's said about my book can be found in my book. He simply doesn't care what I say, he only cares about discrediting me at all costs. There's no percentage in debating such people.

Besides leaving unanswered the specific responses to his counterclaims, Goldberg most of all refused to confront one of my ongoing and major points:

[L]et me first point out the fundamental dishonesty of this kind of argumentation: I in fact provided a long list of clearly fascist American organizations -- only one of which was the Posse Comitatus -- who represent a very real manifestation of actual fascism, not simply because they're racist (as I said, that's not necessarily any kind of definitive trait of fascism anyway), but because they fully fit the description, both academic and real-life.

So yes, one might easily dismiss the Posse Comitatus, by any accounts a relatively small organization with a relatively limited immediate reach. But one cannot so easily dispense with the entire American far right -- the bulk of which in fact is identifiably fascist or proto-fascist -- quite so readily. The Posse Comitatus is just a small, though important, part of this continuum -- it was founded by one of Gerald L.K. Smith's disciples, William Potter Gale; and it in turn became a significant cornerstone of the Patriot/militia movement of the 1990s, perpetrators of the Oklahoma City bombing; who in turn gave birth to the Minutemen so fondly back-slapped by right-wing pundits like Jonah Goldberg.

I'm not complaining that Jonah missed discussing the Posse Comitatus per se; I'm complaining that he completely elides any kind of serious or thoughtful discussion of American fascists as we've known them historically. Of course, any such discussion would probably have to include the Posse, but that's beside the point.

Tracking the activities of these groups has consumed a sizable chunk of my journalistic career, but Goldberg, rather than respecting that on-the-ground experience, dismisses it in a cloud of amusing innuendo ...

No, Jonah, being bad guys alone doesn't make them fascists. But holding swastika and Dixie banners aloft, shouting "Sieg Heil," and ranting ad nauseam about how bestial colored people and queers and the Jewish media are destroying the country, and demanding that we start shooting Mexican border crossers -- well, that pretty clearly marks them as fascist, dontcha think?

Of course, all this was before two Posse-style "sovereign citizens" -- Scott Roeder of Kansas and James Von Brunn of Washington, D.C., made national headlines by committing violent acts of domestic terrorism -- walking into a church and shooting a prominent abortion provider in the head, and walking into the Holocaust Museum and gunning down a security guard, respectively.

Of course, when that happened, Goldberg not only declined to discuss the Posse connection, but actually argued, alongside Glenn Beck, that these men were not right-wing extremists at all, but merely lone nutcases.

All this inspired Charles Pierce to observe at Altercation:

Pretty trivial, indeed.

I swear, if he were more of a tool, you could use him to spread mulch.

Since then, Goldberg has continued to pretend that he fully responded to my arguments, when in fact he only indulged in selective attacks on a handful of dubious points (note especially his continuing insistence that the Klan was nothing more than out-of-hand film cult) and completely ignored the central arguments, particularly the overwhelming historical evidence that contradicts his central thesis, to wit, that "properly understood," fascism is "a phenomenon of the left" and not the right.

Indeed, he continues to do the same in his response to Paxton. Note especially that among all the words Goldberg expends on minor details (without a hint of irony, I might add) he utterly fails to properly confront this this passage from Paxton:


Goldberg simply omits those parts of fascist history that fit badly with his demonstration. His method is to examine fascist rhetoric, but to ignore how fascist movements functioned in practice. Since the Nazis recruited their first mass following among the economic and social losers of Weimar Germany, they could sound anti-capitalist at the beginning. Goldberg makes a big thing of the early programs of the Nazi and Italian Fascist Parties, and publishes the Nazi Twenty-five Points as an appendix. A closer look would show that the Nazis' anti-capitalism was a selective affair, opposed to international capital and finance capital, department stores and Jewish businesses, but nowhere opposed to private property per se or favorable to a transfer of all the means of production to public ownership.

A still closer look at how the fascist parties obtained power and then exercised power would show how little these early programs corresponded to fascist practice. Mussolini acquired powerful backing by hiring his black-shirted squadristi out to property owners for the destruction of socialist and Communist unions and parties. They destroyed the farm workers' organizations in the Po Valley in 1921-1922 by violent nightly raids that made them the de facto government of northeastern Italy. Hitler's brownshirts fought Communists for control of the streets of Berlin, and claimed to be Germany's best bulwark against the revolutionary threat that still appeared to be growing in 1932. Goldberg prefers the abstractions of rhetoric to all this history, noting only that fascism and Communism were "rivals." So his readers will not learn anything about how the Nazis and Italian Fascists got into power or exercised it.

The two fascist chiefs obtained power not by election nor by coup but by invitation from German President Hindenberg and his advisors, and Italian King Victor Emanuel III and his advisors (not a leftist among them). The two heads of state wanted to harness the fascists' numbers and energy to their own project of blocking the Marxists, if possible with broad popular support. This does not mean that fascism and conservatism are identical (they are not), but they have historically found essential interests in common.

Once in power, the two fascist chieftains worked out a fruitful if sometimes contentious relationship with business. German business had been, as Goldberg correctly notes, distrustful of the early Hitler's populist rhetoric. Hitler was certainly not their first choice as head of state, and many of them preferred a trading economy to an autarkic one. Given their real-life options in 1933, however, the Nazi regulated economy seemed a lesser evil than the economic depression and worker intransigence they had known under Weimar. They were delighted with Hitler's abolition of independent labor unions and the right to strike (unmentioned by Goldberg), and profited greatly from his rearmament drive. All of them would have found ludicrous the notion that the Nazis, once in power, were on the left. So would the socialist and communist leaders who were the first inhabitants of the Nazi concentration camps (unmentioned by Goldberg).

Paxton has in these brief paragraphs utterly demolished Goldberg's thesis (and believe me, he is only briefly summarizing the mountain of concurring evidence in this matter).

What does Goldberg have to say? Very little: He excerpts only the portion pertaining to labor unions, and then claims that he's already rebutted this:

I find this argument bizarre. First of all, how did independent labor unions do under Stalin? Under Castro? Under Mao? Are those regimes not left-wing? Hitler sent Communists and rival socialists to concentration camps. This was evil, to be sure, but how was it right-wing? Stalin liquidated the Trotskyites (and 31 other flavors of socialists) too. Why is killing rival Communists and socialists right-wing when Hitler does it and not when Stalin does it? If your answer is that Stalin was somehow "right-wing" when he did these things, then your definition of right-wing is simply "evil"--and that validates a big chunk of my book.

But in fact the matter of fascist attacks on unions extends well beyond the actions took after fascists obtained power: These attacks were a fundamental aspect of the early rise of fascism as a movement, and clearly delineated that fascism was occupying political space on the right.

Indeed, Goldberg has continued to claim that his thesis remains intact:

By any remotely similar definition, fascism belongs on the left - and to date, not a single critic of the book has even come close to rebutting this basic point.

Translation: "Lalalalalalala I can't hear you!"

I think it's safe to predict that eventually, Goldberg will haughtily dismiss even Dr. Paxton as somehow not worthy of the expenditure of effort from his Superior Mind. Already, he's dismissed not just myself, but Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman and Chip Berlet. (Feldman has responded here.) On what basis? Apparently, we're just too nasty. Gearing up for the predictable kissoff, he says he was disappointed in Paxton's response, but adds:

Still he stands head-and-shoulders above some of the spittle-flecked ranters.

Indeed, his cohort Michael Ledeen -- who penned his own semi-admiring contribution for HNN, largely in tune with the admiring blurb he wrote for the book's cover -- similarly complained that we were nothing more than a partisan "mob" intent on destroying Goldberg:

When asked to participate, I hoped that maybe finally it was time for a serious debate on the nature of fascism, which has been impossible for more than half a century, mostly because of the Left's refusal to look reality in the face. Jonah's crime was to look at it and say, as others (myself included) had said before him, that fascism came at least in part from a leftist revolutionary tradition.

Now, there are several deep ironies in this: First, all four of the essays in fact discussed the fact that fascism came at least in part from a leftist revolutionary tradition. And all four of them explained from various perspectives why this ultimately was a nonsequitur.

The second big irony is this: In 1972, Micheal Ledeen published a book titled Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, a book built around interviews with Italian historian Renzo de Felice, whose thesis, as American Conservative magazine detailed a few years back, was that "Italian fascism was both right-wing and revolutionary".

Indeed, as the AC piece explores in some detail, the idea of a revolutionary right embodied in a "universal fascism" was a fetish of Ledeen's for some years. And as far as I can determine, Ledeen has never disclaimed or explained this work in light of his more recent preoccupation with "Islamofascism" -- not to mention his current endorsement of Goldberg's thesis.

Goldberg and Ledeen are rather transparently hiding behind the claim that somehow his critics are a spittle-flecked mob that unfairly misunderstands his Superior Mind and Great Metapolitical Thesis, and instead is merely intent on burning him at the stake.

Nevermind that, when it comes to flecks of spittle, Goldberg was entirely unconcerned about Glenn Beck's frothing "documentary" calling the progressive movement a "cancer" and a "virus" responsible for most of the past century's great genocides. Indeed, not only was Beck's entire thesis derived from Liberal Fascism, Goldberg played a prominent role as an interview subject for the "documentary," and actively promoted it beforehand.

In contrast, Goldberg spends much of his time in his response whining that the mean historians misconstrue his intent -- really, he's not trying to argue that liberals are taking us down the road to genocide. He cites the text of the book itself:


Now, I am not saying that all liberals are fascists. Nor am I saying that to believe in socialized medicine or smoking bans is evidence that you are a crypto-Nazi. What I am mainly trying to do is to dismantle the granitelike assumption in our political culture that American conservatism is an offshoot or cousin of fascism. Rather, as I will try to show, many of the ideas and impulses that inform what we call liberalism come to us through an intellectual tradition that led directly to fascism. These ideas were embraced by fascism, and remain in important respects fascistic.

Well, if this is so, why does Goldberg participate in, and avidly promote, a fake "documentary" by Glenn Beck claiming that indeed liberals -- or more properly, progressives -- are the same thing as fascists; and that believing in socialized medicine is part of path toward genocide, as he did just last week? (See the video above.)

Terry Welch raised this issue in the comments to Goldberg's reply:

Goldberg seems to be saying that all those darn liberals are simply getting him wrong: He never intended to suggest that American liberals are the equivalent of Nazis and to say he did is just being stupid.

So why is it that he ONLY argues this when liberals read his argument this way? Many right wing nutjobs believe that his books thesis is "liberals=Nazis" (just look at the many, many signs to that effect at the tea parties or the Glenn Beck "documentary" in which Goldberg himself took part) and yet Goldberg seems content with their use of his oh-so-scholarly work.

If Goldberg only answers one more question -- and that's doubtful, considering that we have already cost him more effort from his Superior Mind than he would like -- I would like to see him answer that one.


God fuck damn do I hate these people.

I have spent my life attempting to in one way or the other "reach out to" the fascist types -- those who would roll that way once shit hits the fan. The way of pure fascist authoritarian stupidity. The Orwellian way. Up is down, black is white.

Speaking of fans, I am no fan of violence. But knowing good people in life who have lived by the sword, I have come to understand that some people just need to get their asses kicked in interest of the whole.

"Doughy Pantload" needs his ass kicked. But we are racing against time. The right is clamoring for their scapegoat to free them from their vice -- hence the need for a figure like Glenn Beck to be the vector. The left has no scapegoats other than our own minds. We certainly are not perfect. Yet it seems, the marketers of the right have taken to this particular form of being and is now twisting and melding it into their own. Rightist, racist, eliminationist rhetoric wrapped up in an idiosyncratically LEFTIST package of sob sounds, tears, high pitched voice, concern, cloying pleas to "do something".

We motherfucking marched in the tens if not hundreds of millions to stop what many of us saw as a slippery slope to wanton war and overall political confusion, bombarding the innocent people of Iraq, worldwide. We tried valiantly, in a much different economic time -- by all appearances. We were ignored. The fact that there is precisely no mention of this act, worldwide at the time, by these suddenly concerned corporate populists, says all we need to know, obviously.

But what do we do? You can't force someone to have a conscience. I just don't know. . .
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby Nordic » Mon Feb 01, 2010 6:50 pm

This kind of shit makes me want to kick the faces in of the bona fide fascists who pretend to not know what the fuck they are doing.


That's what people don't seem to get -- is that's exactly where all of this is leading. It's leading to violence.

It's inevitable at this point, unless somebody comes out and puts an end to this crap.

But they won't. In fact, it's going to get worse.

The only thing that will stop this is actual violence, against them, which seems to be what they want.

But why would they want that, when they're in a tiny minority? And there aren't enough cops and soldiers in the United States to actually quell what is likely to happen?

I don't get it.

Somebody's gonna get hurt, and it's probably gonna be someone like Beck.
"He who wounds the ecosphere literally wounds God" -- Philip K. Dick
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby StarmanSkye » Mon Feb 01, 2010 8:14 pm

Well, I don't get it either -- Or I get it all too well, and violence IS the end-point to reset their game-plan to the 'next' level of pre-emptive citizen-control Police State crackdown. An anti-war figure with Glen Beck's stature and mass-appeal would've been neutralized a LONG time ago already. That's sure NOT Alex Jones, obviously.

I'm still chewing-over the right's ludicrous attempt to rebrand fascism as a 'liberal' characteristic. The audience which thinks this is compelling stuff simply defies logic -- they WANT to be decieved, probably makes them sleep better at night. But then, they're so out-of-touch with the world and themselves, vacant of compassion and understanding, I guess they sleep like babes already. I share your contempt for them. They're the same kinda people who helped build and fund and supply Hitler's war machine, and then after the war helped cover-it-up. They then fabbed up, used the Cold War for all it was worth to increase their power & wealth, aligning with all the other rackets to comprise a criminal syndicate of treachery and fraud, ie deep events. They are probably banking on war as the only way to salvage the crisis of political and economic legitimacy they created.
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby stillrobertpaulsen » Mon Feb 01, 2010 9:01 pm

82_28 wrote:Indeed, his cohort Michael Ledeen -- who penned his own semi-admiring contribution for HNN, largely in tune with the admiring blurb he wrote for the book's cover -- similarly complained that we were nothing more than a partisan "mob" intent on destroying Goldberg:

When asked to participate, I hoped that maybe finally it was time for a serious debate on the nature of fascism, which has been impossible for more than half a century, mostly because of the Left's refusal to look reality in the face. Jonah's crime was to look at it and say, as others (myself included) had said before him, that fascism came at least in part from a leftist revolutionary tradition.

Now, there are several deep ironies in this: First, all four of the essays in fact discussed the fact that fascism came at least in part from a leftist revolutionary tradition. And all four of them explained from various perspectives why this ultimately was a nonsequitur.

The second big irony is this: In 1972, Micheal Ledeen published a book titled Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, a book built around interviews with Italian historian Renzo de Felice, whose thesis, as American Conservative magazine detailed a few years back, was that "Italian fascism was both right-wing and revolutionary".

Indeed, as the AC piece explores in some detail, the idea of a revolutionary right embodied in a "universal fascism" was a fetish of Ledeen's for some years. And as far as I can determine, Ledeen has never disclaimed or explained this work in light of his more recent preoccupation with "Islamofascism" -- not to mention his current endorsement of Goldberg's thesis.

Goldberg and Ledeen are rather transparently hiding behind the claim that somehow his critics are a spittle-flecked mob that unfairly misunderstands his Superior Mind and Great Metapolitical Thesis, and instead is merely intent on burning him at the stake.


Funny guy, Michael Ledeen. He was against Jonah Goldberg's Liberal Fascism, before he was for it!

Michael Leeden, a conservative scholar who sometimes writes for Goldberg at National Review, says Liberal Fascism "trivializes Nazi racism, equating it with some American political rhetoric."

"The best that can be said about this is that it’s imaginative," he writes. "But it’s what happens when you are bound and determined to put liberals, Socialists, Communists, fascists and Nazis into a common political home."


http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Goldbergs ... 17_af.html

Boy, you really "entered into evil" this time, Ledeen!
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby 82_28 » Tue Feb 02, 2010 6:42 am

It seems as though, a la Baudrillard, that war never had much meaning for approximately, oh I dunno, 95% of the rest of us. War for me has always been some gripping documentary or cinematic drama or video game. We all must admit, war and simulated violence grabs our attention. Hell, most of what I intrinsically "feel" about WW2 and the Holocaust and all of the above comes from Schindler's List. And nothing but.

If we are to assume that say, a clerk at a convenience store down the street gets shot and killed in a hold up and all we do is shrug our shoulders and then blather on and on about "what the fuck is this world coming to" -- what ever are we to do with cross eyed American "white trash" massacring "googly eyed" Muslims and all of the society wide emotional, spiritual fallout that must invariably inflict upon us all? First of all, as a society, we don't give a shit. Second of all, we are addicted to the simulation.

Conservatives perhaps are now simulating an ideal progressivism. Though it may walk and quack like a duck, it is different this time. So to speak. While heretofore "progressives" are simulating an ideal conservatism in and of their very own cult of personality they have with a certain prez.

These ideas within my peabrain are definitely in their infancy. But it is the need for simulation which drives me nuts. It seems all of us, one and all, will fight to make sure our freedom to submerge ourselves in simulation -- to the death.

Military service has been marketed for 20 plus years now as a job -- just a job. And that's always how it has been. Snag the mind and fill it with ideas of glory, virgins in the afterlife, a common bond, the greatest generation, technocratic advancement, Jesus, Allah, blah blah. I was looking at some old pics earlier of war occasions, or at least how it was mostly presented back in the olden days. 5 navy seals today could wipe out an entire battalion of those pomp and circumstance mofos, all in formation, in their pressed uniforms, all gloriously handing down the baton of the necessity of war to their children and theirs and onto us.

War is a motherfucking racket. Fascism is a symptom, no, a feature, of a system that needs war in order to execute the SIMULATION that less than 1% has more than the SIMULATION that the 99% can do nothing about how "little" they have. Thus their INITIALLY SIMULATED subjugation becomes real. What is that a tulpa?

Take it away Jean:

Abstraction today is no longer that of the map, the double, the mirror or the concept. Simulation is no longer that of a territory, a referential being or a substance. It is the generation by models of a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal. The territory no longer precedes the map, nor survives it. Henceforth, it is the map that precedes the territory - precession of simulacra - it is the map that engenders the territory and if we were to revive the fable today, it would be the territory whose shreds are slowly rotting across the map. It is the real, and not the map, whose vestiges subsist here and there, in the deserts which are no longer those of the Empire, but our own. The desert of the real itself.



In fact, even inverted, the fable is useless. Perhaps only the allegory of the Empire remains. For it is with the same imperialism that present-day simulators try to make the real, all the real, coincide with their simulation models. But it is no longer a question of either maps or territory. Something has disappeared: the sovereign difference between them that was the abstraction's charm. For it is the difference which forms the poetry of the map and the charm of the territory, the magic of the concept and the charm of the real. This representational imaginary, which both culminates in and is engulfed by the cartographer's mad project of an ideal coextensivity between the map and the territory, disappears with simulation, whose operation is nuclear and genetic, and no longer specular and discursive. With it goes all of metaphysics. No more mirror of being and appearances, of the real and its concept; no more imaginary coextensivity: rather, genetic miniaturization is the dimension of simulation. The real is produced from miniaturized units, from matrices, memory banks and command models - and with these it can be reproduced an indefinite number of times. It no longer has to be rational, since it is no longer measured against some ideal or negative instance. It is nothing more than operational. In fact, since it is no longer enveloped by an imaginary, it is no longer real at all. It is a hyperreal: the product of an irradiating synthesis of combinatory models in a hyperspace without atmosphere.



In this passage to a space whose curvature is no longer that of the real, nor of truth, the age of simulation thus begins with a liquidation of all referentials - worse: by their art)ficial resurrection in systems of signs, which are a more ductile material than meaning, in that they lend themselves to all systems of equivalence, all binary oppositions and all combinatory algebra. It is no longer a question of imitation, nor of reduplication, nor even of parody. It is rather a question of substituting signs of the real for the real itself; that is, an operation to deter every real process by its operational double, a metastable, programmatic, perfect descriptive machine which provides all the signs of the real and short-circuits all its vicissitudes. Never again will the real have to be produced: this is the vital function of the model in a system of death, or rather of anticipated resurrection which no longer leaves any chance even in the event of death. A hyperreal henceforth sheltered from the imaginary, and from any distinction between the real and the imaginary, leaving room only for the orbital recurrence of models and the simulated generation of difference.


http://www.stanford.edu/dept/HPS/Baudri ... lacra.html
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby stefano » Tue Feb 02, 2010 7:30 am

StarmanSkye wrote:The audience which thinks this is compelling stuff simply defies logic -- they WANT to be decieved, probably makes them sleep better at night. But then, they're so out-of-touch with the world and themselves, vacant of compassion and understanding, I guess they sleep like babes already.
I don't know about that... what I find remarkable about this whole thing is the way the people repeating this vomit are convinced that they know better, that the people clinging to reality are deluded and simple. That's what's up with Goldberg's "properly understood", or the comments you see in a number of places about 'stupid liberals', the ones that don't 'get it'. Which, I guess, is part of a classic fascist programme: convincing your supporters that your programme is scientific and modern, and that your opponents are simple-minded and naive.
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby Pele'sDaughter » Tue Feb 02, 2010 10:17 am

I think those types are fear-driven and that's what Beck and the others appeal to. Hook their attention with fear and they'll believe anything.
Don't believe anything they say.
And at the same time,
Don't believe that they say anything without a reason.
---Immanuel Kant
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby American Dream » Wed Feb 10, 2010 11:14 pm


Glenn Beck’s Mentor

Cleon Skousen was a right-wing crank whom even conservatives despised. Then Beck discovered him.

By Alexander Zaitchik
Salon
Sep. 16, 2009



On Saturday, I spent the afternoon with America’s new breed of angry conservative. Up to 75,000 protesters had gathered in Washington on Sept. 12, the day after the eighth anniversary of the World Trade Center attacks, sporting the now familiar tea-bagger accoutrements of “Don’t Tread on Me” T-shirts, Revolutionary War outfits and Obama-the-Joker placards. The male-skewing, nearly all-white throng had come to denounce the president and what they believe is his communist-fascist agenda.

Even if the turnout wasn’t the 2 million that some conservatives tried, briefly, to claim, it was still enough to fill the streets near the Capitol. It was also ample testament to the strength of a certain strain of right-wing populist rage and the talking head who has harnessed it. The masses were summoned by Glenn Beck, Fox News host and organizer of the 912 Project, the civic initiative he pulled together six months ago to restore America to the sense of purpose and unity it had felt the day after the towers fell.

In reality, however, the so-called 912ers were summoned to D.C. by the man who changed Beck’s life, and that helps explain why the movement is not the nonpartisan lovefest that Beck first sold on air with his trademark tears. Beck has created a massive meet-up for the disaffected, paranoid Palin-ite “death panel” wing of the GOP, those ideologues most susceptible to conspiracy theories and prone to latch on to eccentric distortions of fact in the name of opposing “socialism.” In that, they are true disciples of the late W. Cleon Skousen, Beck’s favorite writer and the author of the bible of the 9/12 movement, “The 5,000 Year Leap.” A once-famous anti-communist “historian,” Skousen was too extreme even for the conservative activists of the Goldwater era, but Glenn Beck has now rescued him from the remainder pile of history, and introduced him to a receptive new audience.

Anyone who has followed Beck will recognize the book’s title. Beck has been furiously promoting “The 5,000 Year Leap” for the past year, a push that peaked in March when he launched the 912 Project. That month, a new edition of “The 5,000 Year Leap,” complete with a laudatory new foreword by none other than Glenn Beck, came out of nowhere to hit No. 1 on Amazon. It remained in the top 15 all summer, holding the No. 1 spot in the government category for months. The book tops Beck’s 912 Project “required reading” list, and is routinely sold at 912 Project meetings where guest speakers often use it as their primary source material. At one 912 meet-up I attended in Florida, copies were stacked high on a table against the back wall, available for the 912 nice price of $15. “Don’t bother trying to get it at the library,” one 912er told me. “The wait list is 40 deep.”

What has Beck been pushing on his legions? “Leap,” first published in 1981, is a heavily illustrated and factually challenged attempt to explain American history through an unspoken lens of Mormon theology. As such, it is an early entry in the ongoing attempt by the religious right to rewrite history. Fundamentalists want to define the United States as a Christian nation rather than a secular republic, and recast the Founding Fathers as devout Christians guided by the Bible rather than deists inspired by French and English philosophers. “Leap” argues that the U.S. Constitution is a godly document above all else, based on natural law, and owes more to the Old and New Testaments than to the secular and radical spirit of the Enlightenment. It lists 28 fundamental beliefs — based on the sayings and writings of Moses, Jesus, Cicero, John Locke, Montesquieu and Adam Smith — that Skousen says have resulted in more God-directed progress than was achieved in the previous 5,000 years of every other civilization combined. The book reads exactly like what it was until Glenn Beck dragged it out of Mormon obscurity: a textbook full of aggressively selective quotations intended for conservative religious schools like Utah’s George Wythe University, where it has been part of the core freshman curriculum for decades (and where Beck spoke at this year’s annual fundraiser).

But more interesting than the contents of “The 5,000 Year Leap,” and more revealing for what it says about 912ers and the Glenn Beck Nation, is the book’s author. W. Cleon Skousen was not a historian so much as a player in the history of the American far right; less a scholar of the republic than a threat to it. At least, that was the judgment of J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI, which maintained a file on Skousen for years that eventually totaled some 2,000 pages. Before he died in 2006 at the age of 92, Skousen’s own Mormon church publicly distanced itself from the foundation that Skousen founded and that has published previous editions of “The 5,000 Year Leap.”

As Beck knows, to focus solely on “The 5,000 Year Leap” is to sell the author short. When he died in 2006 at the age of 92, Skousen had authored more than a dozen books and pamphlets on the Red Menace, New World Order conspiracy, Christian child rearing, and Mormon end-times prophecy. It is a body of work that does much to explain Glenn Beck’s bizarre conspiratorial mash-up of recent months, which decries a new darkness at noon and finds strange symbols carefully coded in the retired lobby art of Rockefeller Center. It also suggests that the modern base of the Republican Party is headed to a very strange place.
- – - – - – - – - – - -

Willard Cleon Skousen was born in 1913 to American parents in a small Mormon frontier town in Alberta, Canada. When he was 10 his family moved to California, where he remained until he shipped off to England and Ireland for Mormon missionary work. In 1935, after graduating from a California junior college, the 23-year-old Skousen moved to Washington, where he worked briefly for a New Deal farm agency. He then began a 15-year career with the FBI, also earning a law degree from George Washington University in 1940. His posts at the FBI were largely administrative and clerical in nature, first in Washington and later in Kansas.

After retiring from the FBI in 1951, Skousen joined the faculty of Brigham Young University, the Latter-day Saints university in Utah. He then enjoyed a tumultuous four years as chief of police in Salt Lake City. During his tenure he gained a reputation for cutting crime and ruthlessly enforcing Mormon morals. But Skousen was too earnest by half. The city’s ultraconservative mayor, J. Bracken Lee, fired him in 1960 for excessive zeal in raiding private clubs where the Mormon elite enjoyed their cards. “Skousen conducted his office as Chief of Police in exactly the same manner in which the Communists operate their government,” Lee wrote to a friend explaining his firing of Skousen. “The man is a master of half-truths. In at least three instances I have proven him to be a liar. He is a very dangerous man [and] one of the greatest spenders of public funds of anyone who ever served in any capacity in Salt Lake City government.”

During his stint as police chief, Skousen began laying the groundwork for his future career as a professional anti-communist. He published a bestselling expose-slash-history called “The Naked Communist.” In the late ’50s, America’s far right began to bubble with organizations peddling stories about the true state of the Red Menace. Groups like the Church League of America and the John Birch Society organized to channel, feed and satisfy Cold War paranoia. Members of these groups were the original postwar “domestic right-wing extremist threat.” Then as now, they were very much on the government’s radar.

After his firing from the police force, Skousen became a star on the profitable far-right speakers circuit. He worked for both the Bircher-operated American Opinion Speakers Bureau and Fred Schwarz’s Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. The two groups competed in describing ever more terrifying threats posed by America’s enemies, foreign and domestic. As the scenarios became more and more outlandish, the feds grew concerned. In an internal memo, the FBI described Skousen’s friend and employer Fred Schwarz as “an opportunist,” the likes of which “are largely responsible for misinforming people and stirring them up emotionally … Schwartz [sic] and others like him can only do the country and the anticommunist work of the Bureau harm.”

How did Skousen become an expert on communism? He claimed, as his apologists still do, that his years with the FBI exposed him to inside information. He also boasted that he worked closely with J. Edgar Hoover. But both claims are open to question. Skousen’s work at the Bureau was largely administrative, according to Ernie Lazar, an independent researcher of the far right who has examined Skousen’s nearly 2,000-page FBI file. “Skousen never worked in [the domestic intelligence division] and he never had significant exposure to data concerning communist matters,” says Lazar.

Skousen also trumpeted the insight he says he gained researching “The Naked Communist.” But this research was as shaky as his résumé. Among the theories Skousen charged a healthy fee to discuss was the alleged treason of FDR advisor Harry Hopkins. According to Skousen, Hopkins gave the Soviets “50 suitcases” worth of info on the Manhattan Project, along with nearly half of the nation’s supply of enriched uranium. This he told thousands of audiences across the country, sometimes giving five speeches a day.

When Skousen’s books started popping up in the nation’s high-school classrooms, panicked school board officials wrote the FBI asking if Skousen was reliable. The Bureau’s answer was an exasperated and resounding “no.” One 1962 FBI memo notes, “During the past year or so, Skousen has affiliated himself with the extreme right-wing ‘professional communists’ who are promoting their own anticommunism for obvious financial purposes.” Skousen’s “The Naked Communist,” said the Bureau official, is “another example of why a sound, scholarly textbook on communism is urgently and badly needed.”

Two years on the circuit made Skousen a nationally known figure. Aligned with the Birchers and Schwarz, he also founded his own Utah-based far-right organization, the All-American Society. Here’s how Time magazine described the outfit in a December 1961 feature on what it called the “rightwing ultras”:

The All-American Society, founded in Salt Lake City, has as its guiding light one of the busiest speakers in the rightist movement: W. Cleon Skousen, a balding, bespectacled onetime FBI man who hit the anti-Communist circuit in earnest in 1960 after being fired from his job as Salt Lake City’s police chief (“He operated the police department like a Gestapo,” says Salt Lake City’s conservative Mayor J. Bracken Lee). Skousen freely quotes the Bible, constantly plugs his book, The Naked Communist, [and] presses for a full congressional investigation of the State Department.

By 1963, Skousen’s extremism was costing him. No conservative organization with any mainstream credibility wanted anything to do with him. Members of the ultraconservative American Security Council kicked him out because they felt he had “gone off the deep end.” One ASC member who shared this opinion was William C. Mott, the judge advocate general of the U.S. Navy. Mott found Skousen “money mad … totally unqualified and interested solely in furthering his own personal ends.”

When Skousen aligned himself with Robert Welch’s charge that Dwight Eisenhower was a “dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy,” the last of Skousen’s dwindling corporate clients dumped him. The National Association of Manufacturers released a statement condemning the Birchers and distancing itself from “any individual or party” that subscribed to their views. Skousen, author of a pamphlet titled “The Communist Attack on the John Birch Society,” was the nation’s most prominent Birch defender.

Skousen laid low for much of the ’60s. But he reemerged at the end of the decade peddling a new and improved conspiracy that merged left with right: the global capitalist mega-plot of the “dynastic rich.” Families like the Rockefellers and the Rothschilds, Skousen now believed, used left forces — from Ho Chi Minh to the American civil rights movement — to serve their own power.

In 1969, a 1,300-page book started appearing in faculty mailboxes at Brigham Young, where Skousen was back teaching part-time. The book, written by a Georgetown University historian named Carroll Quigley, was called “Tragedy and Hope.” Inside each copy, Skousen inserted handwritten notes urging his colleagues to read the book and embrace its truth. “Tragedy and Hope,” Skousen believed, exposed the details of what would come to be known as the New World Order (NWO). Quigley’s book so moved Skousen that in 1970 he self-published a breathless 144-page review essay called “The Naked Capitalist.” Nearly 40 years later, it remains a foundational document of America’s NWO conspiracy and survivalist scene (which includes Skousen’s nephew Joel).

In “The Naked Communist,” Skousen had argued that the communists wanted power for their own reasons. In “The Naked Capitalist,” Skousen argued that those reasons were really the reasons of the dynastic rich, who used front groups to do their dirty work and hide their tracks. The purpose of liberal internationalist groups such as the Council on Foreign Relations, argued Skousen, was to push “U.S. foreign policy toward the establishment of a world-wide collectivist society.” Skousen claimed the Anglo-American banking establishment had a long history of such activity going back to the Bolshevik Revolution. He substantiated this claim by citing the work of a former Czarist army officer named Arsene de Goulevitch. Among Goulevitch’s own sources is Boris Brasol, a pro-Nazi Russian émigré who provided Henry Ford with the first English translation of the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion.”

“The Naked Capitalist” does not seem like a text that would be part of the required reading list on any reputable college campus, but some BYU professors taught it out of allegiance to Skousen. Terrified, the editors of Dialogue: The Journal of Mormon Thought invited “Tragedy and Hope” author Carroll Quigley to comment on Skousen’s interpretation of his work. They also asked a highly respected BYU history professor named Louis C. Midgley to review Skousen’s latest pamphlet. Their judgment was not kind. In the Autumn/Winter 1971 issue of Dialogue, the two men accused Skousen of “inventing fantastic ideas and making inferences that go far beyond the bounds of honest commentary.” Skousen not only saw things that weren’t in Quigley’s book, they declared, he also missed what actually was there — namely, a critique of ultra-far-right conspiracists like Willard Cleon Skousen.

“Skousen’s personal position,” wrote a dismayed Quigley, “seems to me perilously close to the ‘exclusive uniformity’ which I see in Nazism and in the Radical Right in this country. In fact, his position has echoes of the original Nazi 25-point plan.”

Skousen was unbowed. In 1971, he founded the Freeman Institute, a research organization devoted to the study of the super-conspiracy directed by the Rockefellers and the Rothschilds. (The institute later changed its name to the National Center for Constitutional Studies, which has offices in Malta, Idaho, and continues to publish Skousen’s books, including Glenn Beck’s favorite work of history, “The 5,000 Year Leap.”)

By the end of the 1970s, the death of Skousen’s biggest allies within the Mormon church hierarchy cleared the way for an official disavowal of his work. In 1979, LDS church president Spencer W. Kimball issued an order to every Mormon clergyman in the U.S. stating “no announcements should be made in Church meetings of Freemen Institute lectures or events that are not under the sponsorship of the Church. [This] is to make certain that neither Church facilities nor Church meetings are used to advertise such events and to avoid any implication that the Church endorses what is said during such lectures.”

Skousen may have been too extreme for the Quorum of the Twelve in Salt Lake City, but he soon found rehabilitation on the intellectual margins of Reagan’s Washington. In 1980, Skousen was appointed to the newly founded Council for National Policy, a think tank that brought together leading religious conservatives and served as the unofficial brain trust of the new administration. At the Council, Skousen distinguished himself by becoming an early proponent of privatizing Social Security. He also formed relationships with other evangelical church leaders and aligned the LDS church with an increasingly religious GOP.

“Skousen worked to change Mormonism from a new and unique American-born faith into an evangelical form of fundamentalist Christianity,” says Rob Lauer, a leader of the Reform Mormonism movement. “By arguing that biblical principles were the basis of the U.S. government, he was among those most responsible for the LDS church becoming part of the religious right political establishment over the past 25 years.”

In 1981, Skousen published “The 5,000 Year Leap,” the book for which, thanks to Beck, he is now best known. But it wasn’t that Skousen book that made the biggest headline in the 1980s. Toward the end of Reagan’s second term, Skousen became the center of a minor controversy when state legislators in California approved the official use of another of his books, the 1982 history text “The Making of America.” Besides bursting with factual errors, Skousen’s book characterized African-American children as “pickaninnies” and described American slave owners as the “worst victims” of the slavery system. Quoting the historian Fred Albert Shannon, “The Making of America” explained that “[slave] gangs in transit were usually a cheerful lot, though the presence of a number of the more vicious type sometimes made it necessary for them all to go in chains.”

Skousen spent the 1990s in semi-retirement. He spoke occasionally around the country and welcomed visiting politicians to his Salt Lake City home on Berkeley Street. His death in January 2006 was little noticed outside Mormon circles. If LDS members debated his legacy, it was in mostly hushed tones. But by then, he was already poised for a posthumous revival.
- – - – - – - – - – - -

Glenn Beck’s first public reference to anything Skousen seems to have occurred in 2003. In his memoir-cum-manifesto, “The Real America,” was a chapter titled “The Enemy Within.” It consisted of a list titled “Communist Goals of 1963.” The list was originally published in Skousen’s 1958 book “The Naked Communist,” and was submitted to the Congressional Record by Florida Rep. Albert Herlong Jr., whom Beck identifies as the author. Beck asked readers of “The Real America” to ponder Skousen’s list, then “check off” those goals already achieved by America’s new enemies within. Replacing communists in Beck’s view: “liberals, special-interest groups, [and] the ACLU.”

It would be another few years before Beck really started boosting for Skousen’s books. Apparently, around about 2007, a friend of Beck’s sent him “The 5,000 Year Leap.” In the column linked here, Canadian newspaper columnist Nigel Hannaford says the friend was a Toronto lawyer. Paul Skousen, Skousen’s son, endorsed the outlines of the tale to Salon by e-mail, without giving dates: “As I understand it, Glenn Beck was given a copy of FYL by a friend in Canada. When Beck read it, suddenly the effusive and disembodied principles of freedom that he had been trying to dig up and put together all came together and he could make sense of them. He was so excited about the clarity it brought that he began mentioning it on his show.”

Whatever the circumstances, Beck really began touting Skousen in the latter half of 2007. The first brief mention of Skousen in the online archives of Beck’s radio show is Sept. 24, 2007. Less than two months later, Beck interviewed conservative pundit David Horowitz on his radio program. He asked him, “Have you ever read any Skousen? Have you read — do you remember ‘The Naked Communist’? I went back and reread that, it was printed in the 1950s. I reread that recently. You look at all the things the communists wanted to accomplish. It’s all been done.” Horowitz agreed.

The very next week, Bill Bennett appeared on Beck’s radio program and received the same question. “Are you familiar with Skousen?” asked Beck. When Bennett replied yes, Beck gushed. “He’s fantastic,” he said. “I went back and I read ‘The Naked Communist’ and at the end of that Skousen predicted [that] someday soon you won’t be able to find the truth in schools or in libraries or anywhere else because it won’t be in print anymore. So you must collect those books. It’s an idea I read from Cleon Skousen from his book in the 1950s, ‘The Naked Communist,’ and where he talked about someday the history of this country’s going to be lost because it’s going to be hijacked by intellectuals and communists and everything else. And I think we’re there.”

Beck continued to mention the book during 2008, but his Skousen obsession really kicked in as the 912 concept began to take shape. Even before Obama’s inauguration, Beck had a game plan for a movement with Skousen at the center. On his Dec. 18, 2008, radio show, one month before Obama took office, Beck introduced his audience to the idea of a “September twelfth person.”

“The first thing you could do,” he said, “is get ‘The 5,000 Year Leap.’ Over my book or anything else, get ‘The 5,000 Year Leap.’ You can probably find it in the book section of GlennBeck.com, but read that. It is the principle. Please, No. 1 thing: Inform yourself about who we are and what the other systems are all about. ‘The 5,000 Year Leap’ is the first part of that. Because it will help you understand American free enterprise … Make that dedication of becoming a Sept. 12 person and I will help you do it next year.”

By then, the Skousen family was ready to respond to the Beck-inspired demand. “We as a family,” Paul Skousen told Salon, “were preparing to publish another edition, so I contacted his office with the request that Glenn write a foreword. He was gracious and kind and did just that. That is the version we’re now publishing.

According to James Pratt of PowerThink Publishing, publishers of the new 30th anniversary edition of “Leap,” which has the Beck foreword, it was intended to replace the version that the Beck show was already touting via links on its Web site. Pratt claimed in an e-mail to Salon that the previous version was not authorized by the family. “It was presumed by Mr. Beck and staff that copyright authority was in effect with that edition, and as an author I must say, I had also assumed the same thing … I was more than a little surprised this was going on, to the tune of hundreds of thousands of copies.”

PowerThink secured the agreement of the Skousen family to create the current edition of “The 5,000 Year Leap,” which was first published on March 1, 2009. Pratt says that a federal lawsuit “is in process, to secure the copyright authority in an ‘authoritative’ way” to stop anyone but PowerThink from publishing the book.

In March, with the new book available, Beck invited Skousen’s nephew Mark onto his Fox show, where the two men discussed splitting up the United States. (Mark would later say that between commercials, Beck told him that a friend had sent him “Leap” and that the book “changed his life.”) A week later, Beck issued his famously maudlin announcement introducing the 912 Project. The teary-eyed performance was accompanied by a clarion call for all 912ers to buy ” Leap.” “I beg you to read this book filled with words of wisdom which I can only describe as divinely inspired,” wrote Beck in his introduction to a recent edition. The result has been a publishing earthquake: More than 250,000 copies have been sold in the first half of 2009. James Pratt, the book’s publisher, says Beck “has done more to bring the work of Dr. Skousen to light than any other individual in America today.”

“The 5,000 Year Leap” is not the only Skousen title to find new life on the 912 circuit. The president of the National Center for Constitutional Studies, Dr. Earl Taylor Jr., is currently touring the country offering daylong seminars to 912 chapters based on Skousen’s “Making of America.” For $25, participants will receive a bagged lunch and stories about America’s religious Founders and their happy slaves. An ad for Taylor’s “Making of America” seminar, currently featured on the Web site of the Tampa 912 Project, claims that Skousen’s book is “considered a great masterpiece to Constitutional students [and is] the ‘granddaddy’ of all books on the United States Constitution.”

Like so much declaimed by W. Cleon Skousen and his 21st century acolyte Glenn Beck, this last statement is fantasy. But it is also a profitable and popular one. In coming to terms with a movement that has an ever more tenuous relationship with accepted fact, we relearn that perennial lesson grasped even by J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI. Fantasies can have serious consequences.

By Alexander Zaitchik

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2009/ ... print.html
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 11, 2010 7:24 pm

http://www.theworldismycountry.org/allp ... the-decade

Holocaust Revisionist Jonah Goldberg, Fraud of the Decade
11th February 2010

Also see: “Scholarly Flaws in Jonah Goldberg’s ‘Liberal Fascism’/Poor Scholarship, Wrong Conclusions”

” … It would be one thing if Goldberg’s fraud were limited in scope. But it has spread – to the Tea Parties, to the TV talk shows, to the blogs. … “


Never mind that Germany’s paramilitary Black Reichswehr stood leftists against the wall in the 1930s and shot them in cold blood - leftists are the true “Nazis,” according to some “conservative” revisionists .

In fact, liberals are the new Jews.

Whereas, a few generations ago, Hitler railed against the “international Jewish conspiracy,” contemporary fascists sputter about devious liberal plots: liberal Hollywood blacklists, liberal control of the media, liberals in the universities, liberal schoolbooks, liberal global warming, liberal evolution, a liberal affinity with “Islamo-Fascists,” liberal big government, liberal mind control, even liberal concentration camps for, ah, swastika-waving tea-baggers. John Gibson at Fox News discovered a “liberal plot” to convince the world that GW Bush was the worst president in American history. In a recent book, Senator Jim DeMint claimed that Nazi Germany was a liberal “social democracy.” And liberals, according to the CIA-subsidized National Review’s Jonah Goldberg, were even responsible for the Holocaust.

The steady assault on liberalism in the media is intended to urge the country further to the right, and in time, if “conservatives” have their way, may even find expression in mass firings, blacklists, social exclusion, possibly even mass violence. It has happened before.

Germany has provided Goldberg and his fellow travellers with a blueprint for imposing open fascist rule. One can imagine a book called “Jewish Fascism” selling out in Nazi Germany. After all, Henry Ford’s The International Jew was a best-seller – 11-million copies were snatched up by Hitler’s “good Germans.” Today, Good Americans are reading Jonah Goldberg. The animus toward liberalism is growing, stoked by a constant onslaught of distortions from the media.

Goldberg’s fraud is a red flag signalling the end of democratic values … IF the left continues to do nothing and allows lies to reign supreme as they did under Germany’s far-right regime.

- AC

Adolf Hitler has been accused of being in bed with the left more than once, but is Nazi revisionism in America revolving around the idea that anyone you don’t like gets to be a fascist?

Was Hitler a Man of the Left?

Nazi revisionism in America revolves around the idea that anyone you don’t like gets to be a fascist.


By: Michael Scott Moore
www.miller-mccune.com | February 10, 2010

Image


When Jonah Goldberg published his book Liberal Fascism in 2007, George W. Bush was still president, and no one had yet compared Barack Obama to Hitler.

Goldberg’s ambition for his book, if you boil it down, was small. He wanted to clarify the word “fascism” for a popular audience and defend himself, as an American conservative, against the knee-jerk label “fascist.” Fair enough. “To suggest that Hitler was a conservative in any sense related to American conservatism,” he wrote, “is lunacy.”

That’s true. Hitler hated almost everything about America, from its messy democratic system to its mingling races, from its seductive freedoms and modern jazz to Wall Street’s rise as a center of international (Jewish) finance. But Goldberg tries to argue that Hitler’s statist solutions to Germany’s woes — his whole “National Socialist” platform — was essentially a left-wing, revolutionary movement of workers. Being called “left-wing” would have horrified Hitler, but never mind. “The ‘social space’ the Nazis were fighting to control,” Goldberg writes, “was on the left.” …

What’s true is that Hitler took a ragtag, socialist-minded workers’ party in the 1920s and built it up with nationalist, militarist and racist rhetoric, until the Nazis appeared to be something new under the sun. With a baffling mixture of idealism and torchlight parades, he seized absolute control of a wounded Germany. The Nazi party made socialist noises while it cozied up to German industrialists. “The party had to play both sides of the tracks,” writes William Shirer in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. “It had to allow Goebbels [and other propagandists] to beguile the masses with the cry that the National Socialists were truly socialists and against the money barons. On the other hand, money to keep the party going had to be wheedled out of those who had an ample supply of it.”

Goldberg prefers to focus on Nazi big-government policies toward everything from banking and gun control to health care, but he downplays the freakish rants against foreigners, homosexuals and modern art, against weak-kneed liberals, intellectuals and “urban cosmopolitans” — all in favor of German farms, German family values and German workers just struggling to get along. Hitler cleared at least as much “social space” on the right as on the left.

He was no doubt a revolutionary. Hitler wanted to clear off German aristocrats as well as the German bourgeoisie, and this fierce populist anger against the comfortable middle classes and their weak-looking Weimar Republic is part of what makes Hitler seem “left-wing” when you begin to read about him.

But the same anger animated loads of Germans back then; parties across the political spectrum wanted to tear down Berlin’s wobbling experiment with Anglo-American democracy and replace it with something glorious, uncompromised and pure, as long as it would bring swift prosperity to the suffering unemployed. It was political romanticism, and in this sense German Communists helped the Nazis along, even if Nazis and Communists held gang fights in the streets. Hitler hijacked their romanticism.

The sticky question for Goldberg and his fans, particularly since the book came out, is whether this romanticism really is just a province of the left. Or is it possible to imagine a grassroots revolutionary movement from the right that dreams of patriotic renewal, resents Wall Street for trashing the economy, hates the lazy liberalism of the latté-drinking middle class, bashes homosexuals and immigrants, mistrusts intellectuals and “cosmopolitans,” loathes dissent, resorts to vicious name-calling and has been known to call for war when no war is needed?

Most Germans can’t figure out what some Americans mean when they compare Obama to Hitler. Goldberg bears a lot of responsibility for this lunacy. He’s also begged people not to go quite so far, though the plea may sound disingenuous from the author of Liberal Fascism.

“Some have taken to calling liberals fascists,” he laments in a new afterword to his book from 2009. “That isn’t what I wanted.”

Oh, dang.

http://www.miller-mccune.com/politics/w ... left-8542/

—————————–
2-02-10

Definitions and Double Standards – A Rebuttal
By Roger Griffin

Roger Griffin is Professor in Modern History at Oxford Brookes University and lectures principally on aspects of the History of Ideas relating to ideologies and values that have shaped the modern world. His latest book is Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).

“If you’re catching flak, you must be over the target.” That Jonah Goldberg spontaneously uses a metaphor drawn from the Anglo-American bombing campaigns on Nazi Germany is, if nothing else, indicative of his mindset about the subject at hand. The fact is that he does NOT conceive his book as a reasoned, empirically grounded, original contribution to comparative fascist studies, but rather has executed a thinly disguised propaganda attack on “liberals.”

Genuine academics use reasoned arguments that do not wilfully distort their sources to rhetorical ends. They do not use footnoted polemics without destroying their own credibility among their peers. That has been Goldberg’s approach.

I wrote NOT as a “liberal”‘ engaged in fending off attacks on the freedom to think. I wrote as an academic concerned that the tools of the specialism to which I contribute are being abused by a neoconservative with no academic track record in fascist studies that qualifies him to denigrate, by association, a form of social democracy or liberal socialist agenda that is generically different from fascism. I did not set out to discredit Liberal Fascism in the spirit of a type of political Star Wars, but as a university lecturer professionally offended by Goldberg’s impersonation of a historian whose publishing success is in inverse proportion to its merits and significance as a scholarly monograph.

Genuine academics target truth, conceived as a complex, multifactorial, contested reality reconstructed through collaborative effort. They do not “target” particular groups of people defined by their affiliations or beliefs. In strictly academic terms, Jonah Goldberg does not understand fascism. Perhaps he should also brush up on his liberalism. (HISTORICALLY, that is, not politically).

As for the tone of Jonah’s self defense: its slanderous, offensive tone reminds me of the way bad drivers react when other motorists hoot them for dangerous maneuvers. Their insulting behaviour smacks of bad faith: they know they are in the wrong, but have not the honesty or moral courage to admit it. All the book sales, chat shows, and plaudits from the anti-Obama clique cannot compensate for Goldberg’s intellectual and moral vacuity.

Incidentally, my point about parallels between Goldberg’s technique of discrediting liberalism by tarring it with connotations of fascism, and the way Nazi propaganda associated Jews with Communists – and even Negroes with Jews – is a sober reference to a familiar technique for discrediting the targets of persecution by association – cf. the equation of social liberals with Bolshevism and Stalinism in the McCarthy era. It was NOT an ad hominem argument as Goldberg alleges. I, at least, can make a distinction between chalk and cheese, or in this case tell radical anti-Democrats out to malign and discredit the sort of welfare policies commonplace in all advanced liberal democracies in Europe, apart from the rantings of neo-Nazis and Christian fundamentalists (loosely called by some of their opponents “Christian fascists,” a term I also have problems with on academic grounds).

By misrepresenting my critique as a personalized, “ad hominem” attack, neoconservative partisans like Goldberg give themselves license to dismiss every word I write. After all, even if I am, at least on paper, an internationally known professor of modern history who has devoted several decades of specialist research and writing to probing into the nature of fascism, I am “actually” simply “unhinged,” cannot marshal evidence or arguments to support a position, and can only “hyperventilate.”

It’s true that Goldberg’s book made me angry, and no doubt my review reflected that. But the anger is not partisan – it’s professional and ethical. Frauds, after all, have that effect on the people watching as they’re perpetrated if they understand the subterfuge.

It would be one thing if Goldberg’s fraud were limited in scope. But it has spread – to the Tea Parties, to the TV talk shows, to the blogs. And try as Goldberg might to complain that liberals misunderstand his thesis – he insists he’s not identifying liberals with fascism – the problem is hardly limited to liberals. Many of his sign-carrying acolytes at the Tea Parties, and his TV friend Glenn Beck, explicitly identify liberals and President Obama with fascism.

Here is a revealing sample of the support garnered by Jonah’s book, from fellow neoconservative Mark Noonan:

My view: Goldberg gets it exactly right. This is especially true in light of my own assertion that all non-conservative views ultimately stem from the same, flawed source. Liberalism, as I’ve said, rests upon the falsehood that Man is perfectible by men. That our problems stem not from our fallen nature, but from the unjust systems and that if we can just change the system, we’ll change ourselves. Heaven on earth will result.

From that initial folly has stemmed all the rest – and thus liberalism, socialism, communism, fascism and Nazism are branches of the same, poisoned tree. Of course, to point any of this out – especially in a best-selling book – is to irk the liberals to no end. They insist that things like Nazism and fascism have nothing to do with liberalism – in spite of the obviousness of the relationship.


I rest my case, satisfied that I, at least, am trying to water the oak of liberal humanism and democracy through disinterested intellectual labour in the pursuit of historical truth — always complex, always contested — not poison it with a version of history genetically modified to achieve thinly veiled political ends.

http://www.hnn.us/articles/122872.html
"If you don't stand for something, you will fall for anything."
-Malcolm X
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby 82_28 » Thu Feb 11, 2010 7:56 pm

My fucking god. This is so disturbing. Exactly how I imagined the lead up to A Handmaid's Tale started.

OK. WTF is their endgame? Why are they so unreachable? I would help them on the street, with their worries any day. I would lend them a $20. I would buy them a beer. Why do they hate kind people so much?!?!?

My guess is they are trying to wipe us of our faculties for compassion by supplanting it with modified compassion -- simulated compassion. They are attempting to de-legalize common human traits, in interest of the grand unified network of which sustains them.

Glenn Beck is one of their getaway vehicles. Any person who can pen a coherent sentence, sign a contract, look into a camera connected to all that tech gobbeldygook, knows they are fucking lying. Yet they do. They lie. They're not idiots. They know exactly what it is they are saying.
There is no me. There is no you. There is all. There is no you. There is no me. And that is all. A profound acceptance of an enormous pageantry. A haunting certainty that the unifying principle of this universe is love. -- Propagandhi
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 11, 2010 7:59 pm

I am sometimes partial to psychological explanations for social isues. Part of me wonders if a big chunk of the appeal of the the new right wing pundits is that there are a lot of people out there who just want to be mean...
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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby MacCruiskeen » Thu Feb 11, 2010 8:13 pm

American Dream wrote:I am sometimes partial to psychological explanations for social isues. Part of me wonders if a big chunk of the appeal of the the new right wing pundits is that there are a lot of people out there who just want to be mean...


Many people have good reasons for wanting to be mean, and that includes some people who are not "by nature" mean. But their lives (their livelihoods) depend on it, because the economy depends on it. So they act mean, because they are scared (and certainly for no reason) of becoming poor. And their actions then become habitual and therefore require "philosophical" justification, ex post facto.

That's one large part of the reason why I've posted quite a few things here about cross-species altruism, and about the demonstrable existence of altruistic impulses within nearly all (maybe all) species. Since the end of the Sixties, there's been a huge sustained attempt to persuade us that it's human nature to be selfish, greedy, frightened, predatory and atomised. It's permeated the entire culture at least since Reagan, Thatcher, and Taxi Driver, and increasingly since the fall of the Wall. Interests are at stake!

some rightwing asshole wrote:My view: Goldberg gets it exactly right. This is especially true in light of my own assertion that all non-conservative views ultimately stem from the same, flawed source. Liberalism, as I’ve said, rests upon the falsehood that Man is perfectible by men. That our problems stem not from our fallen nature, but from the unjust systems and that if we can just change the system, we’ll change ourselves.


This is the kind of opportunistic, self-serving vulgar-Hobbesian bullshit that calls itself "Christian" but is in fact the very opposite of everything Jesus ever taught. All it is, is a transparent excuse for his own predatory behaviour. (If humanity is fallen, then he can feel justified in treating humans harshly - for their own good, of course, of course, of course. And, just incidentally, for his own profit.)

It's also cartoon anthropology, and only sustainable by means of carefully-preserved ignorance.
"Ich kann gar nicht so viel fressen, wie ich kotzen möchte." - Max Liebermann,, Berlin, 1933

"Science is the belief in the ignorance of experts." - Richard Feynman, NYC, 1966

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Re: My goodness! This Glenn Beck guy

Postby American Dream » Thu Feb 11, 2010 8:51 pm

Yes- people are not really born mean, even if aggression is somehow a part of life.

When something is deeply wrong, it's pretty natural that we go looking for who or what to blame. And there is a whole cottage industry of false friends who want to tell us to hate our neighbor.

Maybe the psychological dimension here concerns the fact that when people have been abused, oppressed, exploited, it's sometimes possible to get them to turn their rage on the people around them who have even less social standing. And there are some very pragmatic reasons why some people would want others of us to do this...
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