another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Aug 29, 2013 2:09 pm

I know I know , you are going to say you America needs a domestic version of trained seals. After all, who will
introduce the class act of clowns called the FBI.

Wait a minute do FBI agents have Colourphobia?

March 9, 2013
FBI Agents Hit By Coulrophobia
http://rationalarrogance.wordpress.com/ ... lrophobia/

Nah! Besides , I know all the third degree black belts in lip here have already developed their
own domestic seal team to protect them from the domestic taxpayer funded Colourphobists,Eh?
Guess how many taxpayers millions it cost you to fund the FBI Department of Public Relations?
Keeping the FBI Brand 24/7 embedded is their motto.



Meet the FBI hostage team
Think of them as a sort of domestic SEAL Team Six
August 28, 2013
http://theweek.com/article/index/248788 ... h-anderson

February, one of the nation's most elite units breached a heavily fortified bunker using specially designed explosives, disoriented the adversary with "flashbang" stun grenades, and then, in the face of hostile fire, killed him with surgical precision. The lightning raid resulted in the successful rescue of a hostage.

Two months later, the same unit was tasked with another harrowing assignment. This time it captured one of the world's most wanted terrorists following a sprawling and fast-moving manhunt.

Then, just a few weeks ago, the unit came up big in another successful hostage rescue operation, when, after being ferried into a treacherous, mountainous region by Blackhawk helicopter, these men traveled for miles on foot across challenging terrain to track down a hostage taker and his victim. After being shot at, they returned fire with deadly accuracy, freeing the hostage unharmed.

These are not a list of classified operations conducted by SEAL Team Six in Afghanistan. They are, respectively, the rescue of 5-year-old Ethan in the Alabama school bus kidnapping, the arrest of Boston bombing suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev in Massachusetts, and this month's freeing of Hannah Anderson in Idaho.

And despite being decked out in MultiCam camouflage and armed with HK416 assault rifles, the operators described are not U.S. Navy SEALs. Instead, they are American civilians operating on American soil, squaring off against fellow American civilians while saving innocent American lives.




In other news
http://www.sltrib.com/sltrib/news/55969 ... e.html.csp

Salt Lake City FBI investigated Insane Clown Posse fans

By Kimball Bennion The Salt Lake Tribune
March 7, 2013 6:34 pm
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Aug 29, 2013 11:31 pm

see link for full story
http://www.pjstar.com/news/x1281953300/ ... rt-hearing



FBI agent skips court hearing

Aug 29, 2013



PEORIA - Chief U.S. District Judge James Shadid shook his head, sighed and ordered a no-bond arrest warrant for a former FBI agent who failed to appear in court Thursday for an alleged violation of his supervised release.

Jerry Nau, 47, of Peoria was supposed to appear before Shadid because he allegedly violated his supervised release earlier this year when he failed to tell his probation officer he was arrested and later convicted of drunken driving. Nau was sentenced to five months in prison and two years on supervised release in 2011 for lying to his superiors about $43,643 that came up missing during a drug investigation.

He was to appear in U.S. District Court to be formally presented the allegations. The hearing was set for Thursday morning, then moved to the afternoon.

Nau's attorney, Jeff Flanagan, called his client at about 3 p.m., 15 minutes after the scheduled time, and learned Nau wouldn't be there, even though he still lives in town. That's when Shadid issued the warrant.

The alleged violation stemmed from an incident April 5 in Creve Coeur, when police stopped Nau for failing to use his vehicle's turn signal. He failed a field sobriety test, according to court records, and was arrested.

Nau refused a breath test and a month later pleaded guilty to DUI. He received 18 months of court supervision.

One of the conditions of his federal supervised release, which began in April 2012 after he was released from prison, was to report any contact with law enforcement, including arrests or convictions.

The missing money was from the investigation of Adrian Robinson, who was sentenced to life in prison in 2010. Nau testified at trial the money was in an evidence vault. It was already missing.

The charge stemmed from a June 30, 2010, fax in which Nau told his bosses the money was in the vault, sent them a receipt and forged the signatures of two other agents.
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Aug 30, 2013 12:21 pm

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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Sat Aug 31, 2013 1:29 am

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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Sun Sep 01, 2013 3:24 pm

Charles Tart Library


http://www.paradigm-sys.com/
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Sun Sep 01, 2013 9:48 pm

see link for full story
http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/headlines/2 ... t-offices/



DEA Program Puts Phone Company Inside Government Offices

Sep 1, 2013

For several years, representatives of a major phone company have been sitting beside federal agents in U.S. government offices across the country and passing along certain customer data, ABC News has learned.

The program, used by the FBI, Department of Homeland Security and Drug Enforcement Administration, is primarily intended to let federal agents “more efficiently” respond to lawfully obtained subpoenas and keep up with suspects who routinely swap cell phones, according to a law enforcement official.

Called Hemisphere, it’s part of the U.S. government’s High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas — or HIDTA — program, which provides federal money for federal, state and local law enforcement to cooperate in areas deemed “critical drug-trafficking regions,” as the White House calls them.

Hemisphere, a “law enforcement sensitive” but not classified effort, puts AT&T contractors in HIDTA offices in Los Angeles, Houston and Atlanta. It responds to requests from any of the other 25 HIDTA offices across the country.

As routinely occurs in investigations, HIDTA agents will seek a grand jury subpoena, administrative subpoena or search warrant directing a phone company to turn over call data about a suspect or person of interest, the law enforcement official said.

But drug traffickers and other criminals often switch phones to evade law enforcement. So under Hemisphere, after a subpoena or warrant is obtained, the AT&T representative will pull data and relay it “in real time” to HIDTA investigators sitting “right there,” according to the law enforcement official.

“Hemisphere results can be returned via email within an hour of the subpoenaed request,” according to Hemisphere training materials from Los Angeles posted online. “Hemisphere data contains roaming information that can identify the city and state at the time of the call.”


Since the Hemisphere program was launched in 2007, the Los Angeles office alone has processed more than 4,400 requests and more than 11,200 phone numbers, according to the materials posted online.

AT&T holds user information dating back to 1987, the law enforcement official said.

The materials posted online say about two-thirds of the requests were related to a “dropped phone,” but the rest were “basic” requests to help identify other suspects or conduct “other investigative work,” according to the official.

Without providing more detail, the materials say Hemisphere has been used “to track known Canadian phones roaming in the U.S. on the AT&T network.” And last year, the program began providing subscriber information and offering “mapping” through certain software.

In May, Hemisphere introduced “limited pinging for some phones,” according to the materials, which were intended to help train AT&T representatives participating in the program in Los Angeles, the law enforcement official said.

Asked whether AT&T customers should have more of an opportunity to respond to subpoenas for their information under Hemisphere, the official noted that AT&T can challenge a subpoena under Hemisphere, just as the company can with subpoenas outside Hemisphere. In those cases, the customer is not immediately aware of the subpoena to challenge it either.

The DEA and the Office of Drug Control Policy pay for Hemisphere.

The law enforcement official said the cost amounts to the salaries of the AT&T contractors.

The official also emphasized that Hemisphere is not associated with the U.S. surveillance programs recently disclosed by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden.

“There is nothing classified about issuing a subpoena to a phone company for a drug dealer’s phone records,” the official said.

Asked for comment, an AT&T spokesman said, “While we cannot comment on any particular matter, we, like all other companies, must respond to valid subpoenas issued by law enforcement.”
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Mon Sep 02, 2013 12:16 pm

http://www.kulturekritic.com/2013/08/me ... -a-hammer/



GA Inmate on Camera Being Beaten by a Hammer, Allegedly While Handcuffed
August 31, 2013.


America has a serious problem with incarceration, even Attorney General Eric Holder agrees with that fact. What’s also unspoken is the amount of abuse taken by prison inmates locked behind bars. Facilities are accused of looking the other way as inmates are s*xually assaulted, tortured and beaten beyond recognition.

The San Francisco Bay View has released a distributing video of an inmate being beaten by guards with a hammer.

In the video, guards are heard shouting, “Get down! Just get down! Get down! Get down!” You then hear someone saying, “Oh (expletive) guy over there with his hands hitting him … and a d**n hammer!”

The beatings took place on December 31, 2010 and the Georgia Bureau of Investigation has allegedly dragged its feet on getting to the bottom of what the incident. Rev. Kenneth Glasgow is responsible for posting the video to Youtube for the world to see.

A relative who brought the injustice to the attention of the public says that “The Georgia Department of Corrections denies this happened but were caught on tape. The officer responsible was never arrested or reprimanded. The district attorney had the video and never sought charges.

“The family is demanding justice for this barbaric, inhumane act. We ask everyone to help by contacting District Attorney Tom Durden at (912) 876-4151.”

Rev. Glasgow goes deeper into the incident, noting that the Georgia Bureau of Investigations has proven itself to be corrupt by refusing to look into what happened here.

“Within the entire GBI (Georgia Bureau of Investigation) file,” says Rev. Glasgow, “no GBI investigative agent or prison official identifies the guard on the video who is clearly beating non-resisting Miguel Jackson and Kelvin Stevenson with the hammer-like object.

“If you look closely, you will see a very large man lying on top of Kelvin Stevenson as the other guard batters his head with the hammer. Eye witnesses state that Stevenson was also handcuffed at the time.

“For all those who watch this and ask what’s the whole story, first of all ask yourself why no GBI agent or prison official reported this – at least not in the ‘official report’ – when this is their video. The family and advocates want justice and humane treatment, the situation investigated, and the officer in that video arrested.”

You can read more here. You can watch the video below:


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=19XKFMNntus
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Tue Sep 03, 2013 11:11 pm

The Last Chance to Stop the NDAA
http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/the ... _20130902/
Posted on Sep 2, 2013
By Chris Hedges



I and my fellow plaintiffs have begun the third and final round of our battle to get the courts to strike down a section of the National Defense Authorization Act(NDAA) that permits the military to seize U.S. citizens, strip them of due process and hold them indefinitely in military facilities. Carl Mayer and Bruce Afran, the lawyers who with me in January 2012 brought a lawsuit against President Barack Obama (Hedges v. Obama), are about to file papers asking the U.S. Supreme Court to hear our appeal of a 2013 ruling on the act’s Section 1021.



“First the terrorism-industrial complex assured Americans that they were only spying on foreigners, not U.S. citizens,” Mayer said to me recently. “Then they assured us that they were only spying on phone calls, not electronic communications. Then they assured us that they were not spying on American journalists. And now both [major political] parties and the Obama administration have assured us that they will not detain journalists, citizens and activists. Well, they detained journalist Chris Hedges without a lawyer, they detained journalist Laura Poitraswithout due process and if allowed to stand this law will permit the military to target activists, journalists and citizens in an unprecedented assault on freedom in America.”



Last year we won round one: U.S. District Judge Katherine B. Forrest of the Southern District of New York declared Section 1021 unconstitutional. The Obama administration immediately appealed her ruling and asked a higher court to put the law back into effect until Obama’s petition was heard. The appellate court agreed. The law went back on the books. I suspect it went back on the books because the administration is already using it, most likely holding U.S. citizens who are dual nationals in black sites in Afghanistan and the Middle East. If Judge Forrest’s ruling were allowed to stand, the administration, if it is indeed holding U.S. citizens in military detention centers, would be in contempt of court.



In July 2013 the appellate court, in round two, overturned Forrest’s ruling. All we have left is the Supreme Court, which may not take the case. If the Supreme Court does not take our case, the law will remain in place unless Congress strikes it down, something that federal legislators have so far refused to consider. The three branches of government may want to retain the ability to use the military to maintain control if widespread civil unrest should occur in the United States. I suspect the corporate state knows that amid the mounting effects of climate change and economic decline the military may be all that is left between the elite and an enraged population. And I suspect the corporate masters do not trust the police to protect them.



If Section 1021 stands it will mean that more than 150 years of case law in which the Supreme Court repeatedly held the military has no jurisdiction over civilians will be abolished. It will mean citizens who are charged by the government with “substantially supporting” al-Qaida, the Taliban or the nebulous category of “associated forces” will be lawfully subject to extraordinary rendition. It will mean citizens seized by the military will languish in military jails indefinitely, or in the language of Section 1021 until “the end of hostilities”—in an age of permanent war, for the rest of their lives. It will mean, in short, obliteration of our last remaining legal protections, especially now that we have lost the right to privacy, and the ascent of a crude, militarized state that serves the leviathan of corporate totalitarianism. It will mean, as Forrest pointed out in her 112-page opinion, that whole categories of Americans—and here you can assume dissidents and activists—will be subject to seizure by the military and indefinite and secret detention.



“As Justice [Robert] Jackson said in his dissent in the Korematsu case, involving the indiscriminate detention of Japanese-American citizens during World War II, once an unconstitutional military power is sanctioned by the courts it ‘lies about like a loaded weapon, ready for the hand of any authority,’ ” Mayer said.

In our lawsuit the appellate court never directly addressed the issue of using the military to hold citizens and strip them of due process—something that is clearly unconstitutional. Instead, the court held that I and the other plaintiffs did not have standing to bring the case. It said that because none of us had been imminently threatened with arrest we had no credible fear. This was an odd argument. When I was a New York Times reporter I was, as stated in court, arrested and held by the U.S. military in violation of my First Amendment rights as I was covering conflicts in the Middle East. In addition I was briefly detained, without explanation, in the Newark, N.J., airport by Homeland Security as I returned from Italy, the court was told.



During the five years I covered the war in El Salvador the Reagan administration regularly denounced reporters who exposed atrocities by the Salvadoran military as “fifth columnists”for the rebel movement, a charge that made us in the eyes of Reagan officials at the very least accomplices to terrorism. This, too, was raised in court, as was the fact that during my seven years as a reporter in the Middle East I met regularly with individuals and groups, including al-Qaida, that were considered terrorists by the U.S. government. There were times in my 20-year career as a foreign correspondent, especially when I reported events or opinions that challenged the official narrative, that the U.S. government made little distinction between me and groups that were antagonistic to the United States. In those days there was no law that could be used to seize and detain me. Now there is.



Journalist Alexa O’Brien, who joined the lawsuit as a plaintiff along with Noam Chomsky, Daniel Ellsberg and others, was incorrectly linked by the security and surveillance state to terrorist groups in the Middle East. O’Brien, who doggedly covered the trial of Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning, co-founded US Day of Rage, an organization dedicated to electoral reform. When WikiLeaks in February 2012 released 5 million emails from Stratfor, a private security firm that does work for the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, the Marine Corps and the Defense Intelligence Agency, it was revealed that the company was attempting to tie O’Brien and her organization to Islamic radicals and websites as well as jihadist ideology. Fred Burton, Stratfor’s vice president for counterterrorism and corporate security and a former deputy director of the counterterrorism division of the State Department’s Diplomatic Security Service, and Thomas Kopecky, director of operations at Investigative Research Consultants Inc. and Fortis Protective Services LLC, had an email exchange over this issue. Kopecky wrote: “I was looking into that US Day of Rage movement and specifically asked to connect it to any Saudi or other fundamentalist Islamic movements. Thus far, I have only hear[d] rumors but not gotten any substantial connection. Do you guys know much about this other than its US Domestic fiscal ideals?” Burton replied: “No, we’re not aware of any concrete connections between fundamentalist Islamist movements and the Day of Rage, or the October 2011 movementat this point.” But that soon changed. Stratfor, through others working in conjunction with the FBI, falsely linked US Day of Rage to al-Qaida and other Islamic terrorist organizations. Homeland Security later placed her group on a terrorism watch list.



This will be the standard tactic. Laws passed in the so-called war on terror will be used to turn all dissidents and activists into terrorism suspects, subjecting them to draconian forms of state repression and control. The same tactic was used during the anti-communist hysteria of the 20th century to destroy union leaders, writers, civil rights activists, intellectuals, artists, teachers, politicians and organizations that challenged entrenched corporate power.
“After 12 years of an undeclared permanent war against an undefined enemy and multiple revelations about massive unconstitutional spying by the government, we certainly hope that the Supreme Court will strike down a law that replaces our civilian system of justice with a military one,” said Mayer. “Unless this happens there will be little left of judicial review during wartime.”



Afran, a law professor at Rutgers University, asked last week during a conversation with me: “Does the Army have to be knocking on your door saying, ‘Come with me,’ before there will be the ability to challenge such a law?” He said the appellate court’s ruling “means you have to be incarcerated before you can challenge the law under which you’re incarcerated.”



“There’s nothing that’s built into this NDAA [the National Defense Authorization Act] that even gives a detained person the right to get to an attorney,” Afran said. “In fact, the whole notion is that it’s secret. It’s outside of any judicial process. You’re not even subject to a military trial. You can be moved to other jurisdictions under the law. It’s the antithesis of due process.”



The judges on the appellate court admitted that we as plaintiffs had raised “difficult questions.”
“This is a way of acknowledging they’re troubled by the apparent lack of constitutionality of the law,” Afran said during our conversation. “But they were not willing to face the question head on. So, in effect, they said, ‘Well, when someone’s threatened with arrest, then we have a concrete injury.’ But no one’s going to be threatened with arrest. They’ll simply be arrested. They’re not going to send a letter saying, ‘By the way, on Thursday next we’re going to place you in military custody.’ … The whole point of the law is that they’re going to come in and take you [in secrecy].”



The appellate court stated that the law does not apply to U.S. citizens and permanent residents. In reading the law this way the justices were saying, in effect, that I and the other plaintiffs had nothing to fear. Afran called this a “circular argument.” The court, in essence, said that because it did not construe the law as applying to U.S. citizens and lawful residents we could not bring the case to court.



“They seem to accept a lot of what we said, namely that the whole history of the jurisprudence, of the court decisions, is that American civilians cannot be placed in military custody,” Afran said. “And they accept the idea that Section E of the statute says, ‘Nothing herein shall be construed to affect existing authorities as to the detention of U.S. citizens.’ So on the basis of that they say this is not meant to add any new powers to the government and since the government doesn’t have power over civilians in this way the law can’t be extended to civilians. The problem is by saying there’s no standing, they deprive the district court of entering an order, saying and declaring that the statue does not apply to U.S. citizens or permanent residents, lawful residents in the U.S.”



The court, in essence, accepted the principle that citizens cannot be taken into military custody but refused to issue a direct order saying so that would be enforceable.
“We have the absurdity of the court of appeals, one of the highest courts in the country, saying this law cannot touch citizens and lawful residents, but depriving the trial court of the ability to enter an order blocking it from being used in that way,” Afran said. “The lack of an order enables future [military] detentions. A person may have to languish for months, maybe years, before getting a court hearing. The [appellate] court correctly stated what the law is, but it deprived the trial court of the ability to enter an order stopping this [new] law from being used.”



“A law is not constitutional just because habeas corpus says you have a right to go to court to try to get out,” Afran said in speaking about the legal mechanism by which someone might challenge custody. “The citizen is entitled not to be detained in the first place absent probable cause. Habeas corpus is a remedy of last resort. It’s not there to justify the use of unconstitutional detention laws.”



The Supreme Court takes between 80 and 100 cases a year from about 8,000 requests. There is no guarantee our appeal will ever be heard. If we fail, if this law stands, if in the years ahead the military starts to randomly seize and disappear people, if dissidents and activists become subject to indefinite and secret detention in military gulags, we will at least be able to look back on this moment and know we fought back.
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Sep 04, 2013 2:11 pm

see link for full story
http://whowhatwhy.com/2013/09/03/doubts ... -in-syria/

Doubts About Who Is Using Chemical Weapons in Syria
By Joe Giambrone on Sep 3, 2013


The Obama administration and allies claim, with near certainty, that Bashar al-Assad has used lethal gas on his population. But no credible evidence has emerged to confirm this. Conversely, as the West pushes for approval to bomb the Assad regime, some evidence suggests it may instead be the rebels who are using chemical weapons against other rebels—an extension of ongoing ethnic/religious battles being fought with what one UN inspector characterized as “almost medieval savagery.”

Perhaps both regime and rebels are using chemical weapons. Whatever the reality, these uncertainties must be carefully studied, right now, as the world edges to the verge of war.

Here is WhoWhatWhy’s roundup on the topic.

The Gavlak Report

A recent report says rebel fighters told a journalist inside Syria that in fact it was they who released sarin gas—and notes that some claimed the nerve agent was supplied by Saudi intelligence chief Bandar bin Sultan. Saudi Arabia, a longtime enemy of the Assad regime and a leading partner in US Middle East activities regarding not just Syria, but also Libya and Iran, has been active as a supporter of and sometimes surrogate for the West.

The report, which appeared on an independent Minnesota-based website, and was co-authored by Yahya Ababneh, a Jordanian freelance reporter operating on the ground near the gas attacks, and Dale Gavlak, a veteran Middle East stringer for the Associated Press, whose work has also appeared on NPR and the BBC, cannot be easily dismissed. It has circulated widely within alternative media circles but is unreported by more influential media in the United States.

Ababneh, who is pursuing a Masters degree in journalism, talked to numerous Free Syrian Army (FSA) fighters in the Ghouta area, where the August 21 gas attack occurred. According to the Gavlak-Ababneh report, rebel FSA fighters took responsibility for releasing sarin, some claiming that the nerve agent was supplied by Bandar.

A Video on Facebook

Another intriguing, if murkier development surfaced on August 24, when a video appeared on Facebook purportedly showing a gas attack via artillery shelling.

A specialized blue canister was carefully affixed to an artillery gun and fired over a wall. The men in the video, who are not in uniform, do not appear to be Syrian military; they may or may not be rebel fighters. This video is titled: “Chemical weapons in Syria: Knockout to Jirga Brotherhood criminals P.” The sketchy description implies that attack was directed at other rebel factions in the nation’s splintered, multi-sided conflict. The Facebook page on which the video appeared is identified as being run by something calling itself “Minister of blood pressure and diabetes,” according to the Google Translator. It boasts 287K “Likes,” but should obviously be considered with caution.

United Nations Investigation of April Attack

Another, more credible instance in which rebels, not the Syrian government, allegedly used chemical weapons came on April 25. That attack was investigated by United Nations inspectors. In an interview with Swiss-Italian television, the Italian Carla del Ponte, a well-known former chief war crimes prosecutor for tribunals on genocide in Rwanda and Yugoslavia, and a member of the UN Independent Commission of Inquiry on Syria, said:

During our investigation for Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes, we collect some witness testimony that made to appear that some chemical weapons were used. In particular nerving gas, and what appear to our investigation that that was used by the opponents, by the rebels. And we have no, no indication at all that the government, Syria, authority of the Syria government had used chemical weapons.

Similar statements made by del Ponte were covered in the spring by the New York Times and Reuters, though they do not seem to be receiving attention during the current round of allegations against the Assad regime. And the evidence pointing at the rebels not the government was played down by the UN commission itself, which, unsurprisingly, given intense pressure from powerful member nations, refused to come to a conclusion as to who was responsible for the April attacks. Without explaining the history of UN hesitancy to go against its most powerful constituents, the Times noted the backpedaling:

…that commission later issued a statement clarifying that it had not reached a conclusion about which side used the gas…”

Russia’s Evidence From a March 19 Attack

Russia, an ally of Syria, has, not surprisingly, challenged the US-led coalition’s efforts to pin gas attacks on Assad. Notwithstanding its own interests, some of the material it has presented appears to deserve attention by the open-minded.

Vitaly I. Churkin, Russia’s UN ambassador, asserted in July that rebels had used sarin during still another attack, on March 19. Churkin submitted an 80-page technical analysis, and concluded:

“There is every reason to believe that it was armed opposition fighters who used the chemical weapons in Khan al-Assal.”

Report From Turkey

Further claims that FSA rebel factions—not the Assad military—are responsible for nerve gas attacks comes from an unverifiable May 30 Russia Today report from Turkey:

“Turkish police have reportedly detained several members of the Al Nusra Front, a Jihadist group that’s fighting among the Syrian rebels against the Assad government. The men were apparently on their way to the Syrian border transporting a cylinder of Sarin nerve gas.”

Russian sources for the incident are vague: “Turkish media reports.” But no media are mentioned by name. The rebel fighters reportedly possessed a “2 kilogram” cylinder of the deadly nerve agent. Twelve of the jihadis were detained, according to that report. The UK’s BBC also covered this arrest story, but only to feature comment from a Turkish official downplaying the report; US media by and large did not cover the story at all. The British story did acknowledge Turkey’s own central role in the efforts to topple Assad, with this disclaimer:

“The Turkish government has been a key supporter of the Syrian opposition, and has allowed rebels as well as refugees onto its territory.”

Last December, CNN reported that US contractors in Turkey and Jordan were training FSA rebels to handle chemical weapons.

“The United States and some European allies are using defense contractors to train Syrian rebels on how to secure chemical weapons stockpiles in Syria, a senior U.S. official and several senior diplomats told CNN Sunday.”

This was presented strictly as defensive, but the very notion of the rebels being familiarized with the weapons itself seems to be relevant to the current, largely one-sided reporting that only Assad’s forces have chemical weapons know-how.

***

News reports frequently state that only the Syrian regime could have access to such weapons. But in fact the countries backing the rebels certainly have it. And in fact weapons shipments have been arriving steadily from Libya, a nation whose chemical weapon stockpiles went missing after the 2011 NATO-assisted overthrow of the government. As the New York Times reported in June:

“Many of the same people who chased the colonel [Qaddafi of Libya] to his grave are busy shuttling his former arms stockpiles to rebels in Syria. The flow is an important source of weapons for the uprising…”

And The Washington Post reported, back in February of 2011:

“…10 metric tons of mustard sulfate and sarin gas precursor remain stockpiled in barrels at three locations in the Libyan desert south of Tripoli, where Moammar Gaddafi has holed up in a last-ditch fight to keep from being overthrown. Many experts worry that the barrels are ripe for picking by terrorists linked to al-Qaeda.”

Anonymous Posts Videos

The hacker collective Anonymous posted a series of videos purportedly showing Syrian jihadis testing sarin nerve gas on rabbits, as early as December of 2012. The manufacturer of the chemical agent is identified as Turkish chemical firm “TEKKIM.”

Kerry Avoids the Real Question

Recent statements by US Secretary of State John Kerry seek to separate the use of nerve gas from the issue of who the guilty parties are.

On August 26, Kerry said:

“And as Ban Ki-moon said last week, the UN investigation will not determine who used these chemical weapons, only whether such weapons were used – a judgment that is already clear to the world.”

The statement, remarkable in itself, does not seem to have drawn media scrutiny. Kerry appeared eager to simply establish that nerve gas was used, while skipping over the importance (before intervening militarily) of establishing with certainty who was committing the atrocities. Heavily one-sided coverage of his statement by the media has already convinced large portions of the population that it is Assad who is using the chemicals. From there, it is a quick leap to accepting the administration’s declarations that it is urgent that it be permitted to begin bombing against Assad’s forces.

Another revealing piece from the Associated Press featured US intelligence officials themselves casting doubt on the perpetrators. This report, too, has somehow not gained full-throated media attention:

“So while Secretary of State John Kerry said Monday that it was “undeniable,” a chemical weapons attack had occurred, and that it was carried out by the Syrian military, U.S. intelligence officials are not so certain that the suspected chemical attack was carried out on Assad’s orders. Some have even talked about the possibility that rebels could have carried out the attack in a callous and calculated attempt to draw the West into the war. That suspicion was not included in the official intelligence report, according to the official who described the report.“

Parallels to the WMD Rationale for Invading Iraq?

The accusation against Bashar al Assad recalls similar charges against Saddam Hussein one decade ago. The difference is that this time there is no doubt that Weapons of Mass Destruction (sarin nerve gas) have been used. The question remains, by whom?

Recently, Assad invited inspectors in, saying this would establish that it was not his troops using chemical weapons. But as soon as the inspectors arrived, they came under gunfire and withdrew. As with the chemicals themselves, it is not clear who wanted the inspectors to leave.

Do We Want a Confrontation with Russia?

The current debate over who did what obscures a larger issue: an attack on Syria could lead to something much more dangerous and protracted.

Russia has a large stake in the Syrian conflict, with Assad one of its few remaining military allies, as well as an active naval base inside Syria at Tartus on the Mediterranean. Russia has sold to Syria advanced defensive weapons including S-300 surface to air missiles. Russia’s president Putin derided the latest chemical weapons claims against Assad as “utter nonsense,” and “nothing more than a provocation by those who want to drag other countries into the Syrian conflict, and who want to win the support of powerful members of the international arena, especially the United States.” Foreign Ministry Spokesman Alexander Lukashevich warned that,
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Wed Sep 04, 2013 10:21 pm

see link for full story
http://gimby.org/blogs/who-knew/2013090 ... view-board


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September 4, 2013

Marvin Miller transformed baseball. The head of the Major League Baseball Players Association from 1966 to 1982, Miller was the father of free agency in American professional sports. He revolutionized the economics of baseball, putting labor on equal footing with management and fighting for the right of players to use the powers of the free market. Along the way, he butted heads with Major League managers, owners, and executives — those who benefited most from keeping players underpaid and easily controlled. He also caught the ire of the FBI and the federal government.

The online sports news outlet Deadspin recently procured Miller's FBI file by way of a Freedom of Information Act request. The report reveals a paranoid federal government desperate to uncover hidden communists. The FBI suspected Miller of disloyalty, and when he came up for a job at the Department of Labor in 1949, the FBI was ready to provide extra background on Miller. As mandated by President Harry Truman’s Executive Order 9835, civil servant applicants were to be vetted by the Loyalty Review Board, a program established to root out and prevent communist influence within in the walls of the federal government. The Loyalty Review Board asked for the FBI’s help in investigating Miller’s political background.

Though Miller was no more radical than most pro-labor liberals of his time, his FBI files reveal several anonymous interviewees who used sloppy logic to link Miller to various allegedly communist organizations such as the International Workers Order and the Jewish People’s Fraternal Order. His file also makes note of the fact that he was "violently vehement" in his opposition to discrimination, racial and otherwise — apparently showing the same rage for justice that would later inspire Miller to fight for players he believed were being mistreated by the baseball’s management. Ultimately, Miller was not hindered by the federal government’s suspicions. Though Miller had previously worked for a federal agency, the National War Labor Board, he chose to forgo the opportunity at the Labor Department and instead took a position with the Machinists’ Union. Before becoming head of the Major League Baseball Player’s Association, Miller went on to work with the United Auto Workers, and later became head economist at the United Steelworkers union. In 1966, he became head of the Major League Baseball Player’s Association, transforming it from a meager social club into one of the most powerful unions in American, raising salaries, pension funds, and revenue sharing for the players.

While Miller’s FBI file is an afterthought — a small secret of a great life — it offers a unique glimpse into the psyche of a federal government consumed with Cold War hysteria. His FBI file also offers a glimpse into a young Marvin Miller, a proud supporter of the Progressive Party, a one-time social worker, and finally a champion of organized labor. The file provides a glimpse of the Marvin Miller who would later transform baseball. The irony is that perhaps Miller’s greatest legacy is as a champion of capitalism.
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Sep 05, 2013 12:53 pm

How is that bodyguard thing working out for you?
2 reads

Civil-liberties groups seek hearings on DEA's use of intelligence

see link for full story


http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/09/ ... EJ20130905

Thu Sep 5, 2013 7:01am EDT

(Reuters) - A coalition of two dozen civil-liberties groups called Thursday for broad congressional hearings on the Drug Enforcement Administration, citing recent revelations by Reuters about the DEA's use of National Security Agency data to build non-terrorism cases against Americans.

Last month, Reuters reported that the DEA funnels tips from overseas NSA intercepts, informants, court-ordered wiretaps and a massive telephone database to police and federal agents nationwide, including tax investigators at the Internal Revenue Service.

The DEA instructs the agents and police to never reveal the source of the information and to instead "recreate" the investigative trail, records seen by Reuters show. This DEA process, which agents call "parallel construction," disturbs some judges, former prosecutors and defense lawyers, who say it systematically eliminates potential evidence that defendants may need to ensure a fair trial.

The DEA says the programs follow the law.

"The implications of the Reuters revelations are serious and far-reaching," the groups wrote Thursday to Congressional leaders on judiciary, homeland security and oversight committees.

"For too long Congress has given the DEA a free pass," said Bill Piper of the Drug Policy Alliance, which signed the letter along with groups including the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws. "Our hope is that Congress does its job and provides oversight of an agency that has a long track record of deeply troubling behavior."




see link for full psychological profile
http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/secr ... t-20147075



Secret Service Agent Found Guilty in SC Plot
September 3, 2013

A former Secret Service has been sentenced to five years in prison for plotting to kidnap a retired South Carolina judge.

A judge handed down the sentence Tuesday after an Oconee County jury found 55-year-old James Bartee guilty of solicitation to commit a felony. Bartee was also sentenced to five years of probation.

Bartee was arrested during a May 2012 hearing while he was running for Oconee County sheriff. Authorities said he was worried a hearing would reveal he didn't have the qualifications to be sheriff and paid an informant to kidnap a former judge who was going to testify against him.
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Thu Sep 05, 2013 11:27 pm

see link for full story


see link for full story
http://www.pjstar.com/news/x1343096393/ ... -to-prison

Judge spares ex-FBI agent return trip to prison

Posted Sep 05, 2013


A former FBI agent was spared a return trip to prison Thursday after he admitted to violating terms of his release by being arrested for drunken driving and failing to tell his probation officer about the incident.

Jerry Nau apologized to U.S. District Judge James Shadid, asked for leniency and promised to enter counseling so that he could learn to make better decisions in the future.

"I'm an idiot for not showing up, your honor," Nau said, referring to the hearing he skipped last week that resulted in a no-bond arrest warrant and seven days in jail. "I do not want to disgrace my family because they've been through enough grief, and I keep putting them through it again."

Shadid, in pronouncing his decision not to revoke Nau's supervised release and sentence him to time served for the violations, told Nau that he needed to learn how to pick himself back up and fully comply with the terms of his release.

"Somehow, you think you can ignore matters and make things go away," Shadid said. "We all have better things to do than baby-sit you on supervised release."

Nau was convicted in November 2011 of making false statements related to more than $43,000 in missing drug money and sentenced to five months in the Federal Bureau of Prisons, followed by five months of home confinement. He was arrested for drunken driving in Tazewell County in April and pleaded guilty to that charge in May.

He pleaded guilty Thursday to violating two rules of his supervised release: being involved in criminal activity and failing to report his arrest to his probation officer in a timely manner.

U.S. Attorney James Warden, an Indiana prosecutor brought in to handle the case because of Nau's ties to the area, had argued for a six-month sentence. He said Nau had previously been informally admonished for violating terms of his home confinement, and the DUI showed a pattern of disrespect for the justice system.

Defense attorney Jeffrey Flanagan, however, countered tha
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Fri Sep 06, 2013 10:34 pm

see link for full story
http://www.mathaba.net/news/?x=633496
Revealed: how the FBI coordinated the crackdown on #Occupy
Posted: 2013/09/07

New documents prove what was once dismissed as paranoid fantasy: totally integrated corporate-state repression of dissent

Naomi Wolf

It was more sophisticated than we had imagined: new documents show that the violent crackdown on Occupy last fall – so mystifying at the time – was not just coordinated at the level of the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, and local police. The crackdown, which involved, as you may recall, violent arrests, group disruption, canister missiles to the skulls of protesters, people held in handcuffs so tight they were injured, people held in bondage till they were forced to wet or soil themselves –was coordinated with the big banks themselves.

The Partnership for Civil Justice Fund, in a groundbreaking scoop that should once more shame major US media outlets (why are nonprofits now some of the only entities in America left breaking major civil liberties news?), filed this request. The document – reproduced here in an easily searchable format – shows a terrifying network of coordinated DHS, FBI, police, regional fusion center, and private-sector activity so completely merged into one another that the monstrous whole is, in fact, one entity: in some cases, bearing a single name, the Domestic Security Alliance Council. And it reveals this merged entity to have one centrally planned, locally executed mission. The documents, in short, show the cops and DHS working for and with banks to target, arrest, and politically disable peaceful American citizens.

The documents, released after long delay in the week between Christmas and New Year, show a nationwide meta-plot unfolding in city after city in an Orwellian world: six American universities are sites where campus police funneled information about students involved with OWS to the FBI, with the administrations' knowledge (p51); banks sat down with FBI officials to pool information about OWS protesters harvested by private security; plans to crush Occupy events, planned for a month down the road, were made by the FBI – and offered to the representatives of the same organizations that the protests would target; and even threats of the assassination of OWS leaders by sniper fire – by whom? Where? – now remain redacted and undisclosed to those American citizens in danger, contrary to standard FBI practice to inform the person concerned when there is a threat against a political leader (p61).

As Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, executive director of the PCJF, put it, the documents show that from the start, the FBI – though it acknowledges Occupy movement as being, in fact, a peaceful organization – nonetheless designated OWS repeatedly as a "terrorist threat":

"FBI documents just obtained by the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF) … reveal that from its inception, the FBI treated the Occupy movement as a potential criminal and terrorist threat … The PCJF has obtained heavily redacted documents showing that FBI offices and agents around the country were in high gear conducting surveillance against the movement even as early as August 2011, a month prior to the establishment of the OWS encampment in Zuccotti Park and other Occupy actions around the country."

Verheyden-Hilliard points out the close partnering of banks, the New York Stock Exchange and at least one local Federal Reserve with the FBI and DHS, and calls it "police-statism":

"This production [of documents], which we believe is just the tip of the iceberg, is a window into the nationwide scope of the FBI's surveillance, monitoring, and reporting on peaceful protestors organizing with the Occupy movement … These documents also show these federal agencies functioning as a de facto intelligence arm of Wall Street and Corporate America."

The documents show stunning range: in Denver, Colorado, that branch of the FBI and a "Bank Fraud Working Group" met in November 2011 – during the Occupy protests – to surveil the group. The Federal Reserve of Richmond, Virginia had its own private security surveilling Occupy Tampa and Tampa Veterans for Peace and passing privately-collected information on activists back to the Richmond FBI, which, in turn, categorized OWS activities under its "domestic terrorism" unit. The Anchorage, Alaska "terrorism task force" was watching Occupy Anchorage. The Jackson, Mississippi "joint terrorism task force" was issuing a "counterterrorism preparedness alert" about the ill-organized grandmas and college sophomores in Occupy there. Also in Jackson, Mississippi, the FBI and the "Bank Security Group" – multiple private banks – met to discuss the reaction to "National Bad Bank Sit-in Day" (the response was violent, as you may recall). The Virginia FBI sent that state's Occupy members' details to the Virginia terrorism fusion center. The Memphis FBI tracked OWS under its "joint terrorism task force" aegis, too. And so on, for over 100 pages.

Jason Leopold, at Truthout.org, who has sought similar documents for more than a year, reported that the FBI falsely asserted in response to his own FOIA requests that no documents related to its infiltration of Occupy Wall Street existed at all. But the release may be strategic: if you are an Occupy activist and see how your information is being sent to terrorism task forces and fusion centers, not to mention the "longterm plans" of some redacted group to shoot you, this document is quite the deterrent.

There is a new twist: the merger of the private sector, DHS and the FBI means that any of us can become WikiLeaks, a point that Julian Assange was trying to make in explaining the argument behind his recent book. The fusion of the tracking of money and the suppression of dissent means that a huge area of vulnerability in civil society – people's income streams and financial records – is now firmly in the hands of the banks, which are, in turn, now in the business of tracking your dissent.

Remember that only 10% of the money donated to WikiLeaks can be processed – because of financial sector and DHS-sponsored targeting of PayPal data. With this merger, that crushing of one's personal or business financial freedom can happen to any of us. How messy, criminalizing and prosecuting dissent. How simple, by contrast, just to label an entity a "terrorist organization" and choke off, disrupt or indict its sources of financing.

Why the huge push for counterterrorism "fusion centers", the DHS militarizing of police departments, and so on? It was never really about "the terrorists". It was not even about civil unrest. It was always about this moment, when vast crimes might be uncovered by citizens – it was always, that is to say, meant to be about you.
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Re: another day at the hairdresser-I need a perm and wash

Postby fruhmenschen » Sat Sep 07, 2013 3:05 pm

You deserve the best serial killing mercenary returning from Iraq that your tax dime can buy,eh?


a species that hires serial killing mercenaries to protect them looses the ability to protect itself and is doomed to extinction
especially when the serial killers turn on them, wink , nod, know what I mean?

see link for full story
http://www.courthousenews.com/2013/09/06/60930.htm

Friday, September 06, 2013Last Update: 3:08 PM PT

Where Curiosity Tased the Cat, Immunity Denied



Police may be liable for using a Taser on a man who asked, "What are you doing to Jack," as he watched officers wrestle with his suicidal neighbor, the 9th Circuit ruled Friday.
Donald and Kristi Gravelet-Blondin stepped outside in slippers one May night in 2008 in Snohomish, Wash., to find out what was going on at their neighbor Jack's house. The police were trying to get Jack out of his car, which, in an apparent suicide attempt, had a hose running from the exhaust pipe into one of its windows. Jack reportedly had a gun, and when he refused to show his hands after turning off the car, officers moved to put him in handcuffs, Tasing him twice.
The Blondins got within about 37 feet of the scene, heard Jack moaning and saw him pinned on the ground. Donald Blondin said, "What are you doing to Jack?" and faced a barrage of orders to get back. When he didn't move, or didn't move enough, Sgt. Jeff Shelton rushed him with Taser drawn.
A witness said that Blondin seemed to be "frozen with fear." Shelton warned Blondin that he was about to be Tased, but fired before he finished saying it, according to the ruling.
"Sgt. Shelton tased Blondin in dart mode, knocking him down and causing excruciating pain, paralysis, and loss of muscle control," the ruling states. "Blondin, disoriented and weak, began to hyperventilate. Sgt. Shelton asked Blondin if he 'want[ed] it again' before turning to Ms. Blondin and warning, 'You're next.'"
Blondin was later charged with obstructing a police officer, but the case was dropped. The Blondins then sued the city of Snohomish and Shelton for excessive force, unlawful arrest and various violations of state law, including common-law outrage for causing a wife to watch her husband being shot with a Taser

"His momentary failure to move farther than thirty-seven feet away from officers arresting his neighbor, after merely inquiring into what those officers were doing, can hardly be considered resistance," Judge Michael Daly Hawkins wrote for the three-judge panel. "This is especially so given evidence that Blondin was visibly frozen with fear."
The Seattle-based panel noted that, in 2008, when the "Tenth Circuit and a number of district courts had found taser use unconstitutionally excessive in some circumstances," the Snohomish Police Department viewed the employment of a Taser as a very light use of force, lighter even then a "firm grip." While this is no longer the department's policy, the city cannot escape the Blondins' claims that it may have played a part in the incident.
"The city's policy told Sgt. Shelton that tasing nonresisting individuals in circumstances like this one was acceptable," Hawkins wrote. "It informed him that even a firm grip entails more force than a taser and deputized him with the power to tase an individual who presents no threat at all."
The ruling also states that, about year after the incident with Blondin, Shelton was "reprimanded" on a performance evaluation for "being 'too quick to apply the taser when basic hands on defensive tactics would have brought the subject into compliance.'"
Writing in dissent, Judge Jacqueline Nguyen argued that the majority had failed to look at the incident from Shelton's point of view.
"Blondin interjected himself into a rapidly-evolving, highly volatile scene: officers struggling to restrain a combative, armed man in the process of trying to take his own life," Nguyen wrote. "At the time Blondin was tased, two loaded firearms were unsecured. Yet, at every turn, the majority attempts to minimize the precariousness of the situation, thinly splicing the facts to assess Blondin's conduct-and the reasonableness of the officers' response-in a vacuum. It is one thing to resolve disputed facts and inferences in Blondin's favor. But the majority goes well beyond this by choosing to ignore undisputed facts which do not favor Blondin's case. By discounting the danger and abstracting the qualified immunity inquiry, the majority's approach fails to accord appropriate deference to an officer's reasonable judgment exercised under exigent circumstances."
Timothy Ford of MacDonald Hoague & Bayless in Seattle represented the Blondins. He did not immediately return a request for comment on Friday. Neither did the defendants' attorney, Richard Jolley of Adam Rosenberg, Keating, Bucklin & McCormack in Seattle.
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