Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby conniption » Wed Jun 05, 2013 12:43 am

According to aang & irfan...

TURKEY - NEW WORLD ORDER UNDER ATTACK - Aangirfan blogspot


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Anti-Erdogan

Tuesday, June 04, 2013

Turkey has been becoming like Saudi Arabia and Qatar.
One could use words like 'feudal' and 'fascist' to describe current-day Turkey and its friends.


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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby undead » Wed Jun 05, 2013 3:20 pm

Statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Turkey
The choice for the working class will certainly be created

The following is a statement of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), issued June 4. It has been slightly edited for readability. Follow Liberation News for frequent updates and statements from activists and organizations on the ground in Turkey as the struggle there unfolds.

1. For days now Turkey has been witnessing a genuine popular movement. The actions and protests, which started in Istanbul and have spread all over Turkey, have a massive, legitimate and historic character. The most important of all is the striking change in the mood of people. The fear and apathy has been overcome and people have gained self-confidence.

2. The Communist Party of Turkey has been part of the popular movement beginning from the first day and has mobilized all its forces, tried to strengthen the proletarian and revolutionary character of the movement, endeavored to encourage a mature attitude of discipline, and organized numerous actions and demonstrations. In this process, the police forces carried out a heavy assault on our party headquarters in Ankara. All over Turkey, several party members have been injured and arrested. There have been some attempts of abduction of our party cadres. But the attempts of provocations against our party were defeated.

3. Our emphasis on the role of the TKP does not aim to underestimate the spontaneous nature of the movement or contribution of the other political actors. On the contrary, the TKP stresses that this movement has an aspect that is beyond the impact of any political actor or any kind of political opportunism.

4. The call of the masses for the government to resign is an absolute demand of this movement. Although it is obvious that a leftist alternative cannot be built "right now," this demand should be expressed loudly. This option for the working people can be generated only through benefitting from the energy that came out at this historical moment. The TKP will focus on this and expose the real meaning of alternatives like “the formation of a national government,” which will most likely be put forward to deceive the working masses into thinking that the crisis can be overcome that way.

5. Without a doubt, the holders of political power will try to calm the people down, institute control and even attempt to use the situation to their advantage. They can have temporary achievements. Even in that case, the popular movement would not be wasted. The TKP is ready for a period of stubborn but intense struggle.

6. In order to act in concert, different branches of the socialist movement sharing similar goals and concerns need to evaluate the rise of this popular movement immediately. The TKP, without interrupting its daily missions and activities, is going to act responsibly regarding this issue and endeavor for the creation of a common ground in line with the urgent demands below.

7. In order to nullify the plans of the government to classify and divide the popular movement as legitimate and illegitimate, all forces need to avoid steps that might cause damage to the legitimacy of the movement. It is the political power that attacks. The people should defend themselves as well as their rightful action but never fall into the provocation trap of the government.

The government pretends not to understand the fact that the old balance has been upset fundamentally and cannot be restored.
8. While the masses are chanting the slogan “government, resign,” the negotiations limited to the future of the Taksim-Gezi Park are meaningless. The government pretends not to understand the fact that the old balance has been upset fundamentally and cannot be restored. Everybody knows that the popular movement is not the product of sympathy towards the trees in the Gezi Park. The anger of the people is over the urban transformation projects, the terror of the market, open direct interventions in different lifestyles, the Americanism and subordination to the U.S., the reactionary policies, the enmity towards the Syrian people. The AKP cannot deceive the people with a discourse of “we will plant more trees than the ones that we will chop down.”

9. While rolling up our sleeves in order to create an alternative of the working people, the movement needs to lean on certain concrete demands. These demands are valid in the case of the resignation of the government or of Erdogan:

a) The government must announce that the projects that involve the demolishing of Gezi Park and the Ataturk Cultural Center are terminated.

b) Those who were taken into custody during the resistance must be released, and all charges against them must be dropped immediately.

c) All officials whose crimes against the people are proven by reports of the commissions that are formed by the Union of Bar Associations and local bar associations must be relieved of their duties.

d) The attempts that hinder the right of the people to get true news on the developments must be stopped.

e) All prohibitions regarding meetings, demonstrations and marches must be repealed.

f) All de facto or de jure obstacles that lock out the political participation of the people, including the 10 percent election threshold and the anti-democratic articles of the "law on political parties," must be abolished.

g) All initiatives that attempt to impose a monolithic life style on all people must be stopped.

10. These urgent demands will in no case affect our right and duty to continue the opposition against the political power. The people's reaction to the government must be reinforced, and efforts must be concentrated to bring about a real alternative in the political scene.

11. The star and the crescent Turkish flag that was intended to be used to provide a shield for reactionary and chauvinist attacks against laborers, leftists, and Kurdish people after the fascist military coup of September 12, 1980, has now been grasped by the people from the hands of fascism, and given to the honorable hands of Deniz Gezmiş and his comrades, as a flag in the hands of patriotic people.

12. The people's movement, ever since the beginning, has persistently put down the sinister strategy to play one community against another in Turkey. This attitude must carefully be maintained, leaving no room for chauvinism or vulgar nationalism.

13. Appealing to our Kurdish brothers and sisters, we had already declared, "There can be no peace agreement with AKP." There can be no deal with a political power to which its own people have turned their backs, and the true face of which has been revealed. Kurdish politics must give up "cherishing hopes of proceeding further with AKP," and become a strong constituent part of a united, patriotic and enlightened laborer people's movement.

14. Our citizens who have lost their lives at the hands of the police force of the political power have sacrificed their lives in the name of a just and historic struggle. The people are never going to forget their names, and those who are responsible for their deaths will pay the price before the law.

CentralCommittee
Communist Party of Turkey
4 June 2013

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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby undead » Wed Jun 05, 2013 3:30 pm

Erdogan wrote:Now we have a menace that is called Twitter. The best example of lies can be found there. To me, social media is the worst menace to society.


He's certainly a charmer. Way to go, secular Kemalist liberal modernizer. Hopefully now that everyone got out to protest they can put at the top of the list of demands to STOP THE FUCKING NUCLEAR PLANTS from being built.
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby MayDay » Sat Jun 08, 2013 6:03 pm

(Reuters) - Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's AK Party on Saturday ruled out early elections as tens of thousands of anti-government demonstrators defied his call for an immediate end to protests.

Huseyin Celik, deputy chairman of the Justice and Development (AK) Party founded by Erdogan just over a decade ago, said local and presidential elections would be held next year as planned, and a general election in 2015.

"The government is running like clockwork. There is nothing that necessitates early elections," he told reporters after a meeting of the party's executive committee in Istanbul.

"The world is dealing with an economic crisis and things are going well in Turkey. Elections are not held because people are marching on the streets."

A few kilometres away, tens of thousands of Turks defied Erdogan's call on Friday for an immediate end to anti-government demonstrations, massing again in the central Taksim Square, where riot police backed by helicopters and armored vehicles first clashed with protesters a week ago.

Tourists and curious locals swelled their numbers around a makeshift protest camp in Gezi Park, a leafy corner of the square where activists have been sleeping in tents and vandalized buses, or wrapped in blankets under plane trees.

Senior AK officials said they had discussed calling a rally of their supporters in Istanbul or Ankara next week but no decision had yet been taken, with some party figures urging restraint for fear of provoking the situation on the streets.

What began as a campaign against government plans to build over the park spiraled into an unprecedented display of public anger over the perceived authoritarianism of Erdogan and his Islamist-rooted AK Party, leading to the worst riots in decades.

In a rare show of unity, thousands of fans from Istanbul's three main football clubs Besiktas, Galatasaray and Fenerbahce, who have helped organize some of the protests, marched on Taksim roaring "Tayyip resign!" and "Arm in arm against fascism!".

Police fired teargas and water cannon in the Kizilay district of central Ankara late on Saturday to try to disperse protesters blocking roads and burning bonfires in the streets.

There were similar scenes overnight in Istanbul's working-class Gazi neighborhood, which saw heavy clashes with police in the 1990s. Three people have been killed and close to 5,000 injured around the country since the violence began a week ago.

Thousands protested in Berlin, home to a large Turkish population, waving red Turkish flags and chanting "Occupy Gezi".

Erdogan has given no indication of plans to clear out Taksim, around which protesters have built dozens of barricades made of ripped up paving stones, street signs, vandalized vehicles and corrugated iron, clogging part of the city centre.

Police pulled back from the square days ago.

"Let them attack. They can't stop us," a member of the Turkish Communist Party shouted through loudspeakers to a cheering crowd from on top of a white van in the square.

Taksim is lined by luxury hotels that should be doing a roaring trade as the summer season starts in one of the world's most-visited cities. But a forced eviction might trigger a repeat of the clashes seen earlier in the week.

ANGER BOILS OVER

The gatherings mark a challenge to a leader whose authority is built upon three successive election victories. Erdogan takes the protests as a personal affront.

"Turkey is a democracy and it will prove its inner disposition in the face of these protests," German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle told Germany's Welt am Sonntag.

"Prime Minister Erdogan has a special responsibility to calm the situation and he has to be aware of that," he said.

Sources close to the AK Party speak of a sense of siege within the party leadership, with influential if disparate forces loath to break ranks publicly but worried about the extent of Erdogan's power and his uncompromising stance.

Erdogan has made little secret of his ambition to run for the presidency after his third term as prime minister comes to an end, although the AK Party could also change internal rules to allow him to stand for a fourth term.

Celik said the protests had been discussed "in detail" at Saturday's party meeting, but that the question of early elections had never been on the agenda.

"A government that doesn't have people's trust cannot be permanent. We got the message of the protests and we respect that, but there's nothing to respect about people throwing stones," he said.

Erdogan has made clear he has no intention of stepping aside - pointing to the AK Party's 50 percent of the vote in the last election - and has no clear rivals inside the party or out.

He has enacted many democratic reforms, taming a military that toppled four governments in four decades, starting entry talks with the European Union and forging peace talks with Kurdish rebels to end a three-decade-old war.

But in recent years, critics say his style, always forceful and emotional, has become authoritarian.

Media have come under pressure, opponents have been arrested over alleged coup plots, and moves such as restrictions on alcohol sales have unsettled secular middle-class Turks who are sensitive to any encroachment of religion on their daily lives.

"These protests are partly a result of his success in economic and social transformation. There's a new generation who doesn't want to be bullied by the prime minister and who is afraid their lifestyle is in danger," said Joost Lagendijk, a former European parliamentarian and Istanbul-based academic.

(Additional reporting by Parisa Hafezi in Ankara, Ece Toksabay in Istanbul, Stephen Brown and Michelle Martin in Berlin; Editing by Andrew Heavens)


http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/ ... J920130608
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby beeline » Tue Jun 11, 2013 10:31 am

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/11/turkey-police-move-into-taksim-square?CMP=twt_gu

Hundreds of police push past barricades in Istanbul's Taksim Square and fire teargas and rubber bullets at protesters, forcing many into a nearby park. Bulldozers and rubbish trucks clear up barricades. Police remove banners and replace them with a large Turkish flag and a banner with a picture of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the secular republic
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby seemslikeadream » Tue Jun 11, 2013 12:37 pm

Hundreds of riot police enter Taksim Square as clashes in Turkey intensify

Image



JUNE 11, 2013

The Cultural and Organizational Legacies From the Global Wave of 2011
Turkey: a Second 1848 … or 1905?
by CIHAN TUGAL
With revolt now spreading to a bedrock of capitalist stability, there is every indication that the global wave of 2011 is still alive. Turkey, marketed to the whole world as a neoliberal success story (and to the Muslim world as a model democracy), is now up in arms against authoritarianism and free market capitalism (or rather, its urban ramifications). With Turkey joining the bandwagon of revolt, 2011 is bound to have consequences far beyond its countries of origin.

However, this wave, just like the waves of 1848 and 1905, is likely to end up in partial and small victories, and defeats. In some ways, the situation is even bleaker than in all past global waves. The global mood of post-1980 defeatism persists unabated. We lack solid alternatives to the current world order. Disorganization is rampant and is even reproduced by activists through a cult of leaderless-ness.

No 1789, 1917, or 1949 can result from the global wave of 2011.

Unintended legacies

Yet, just like 1848 and 1905, the cultural and organizational legacies of 2011 might prove to be more important than the immediate gains of the revolts. 1848 did not lead to any lasting democracies, but it convinced the European working and middle classes that a more democratic and social world was possible. It put socialization on the agenda. Furthermore, the defeats of that massive revolt taught militants that they needed much more resilient leadership and organization to realize their aims. A bunch of dispersed working-class and republican political fields left their place to solid national and continental organizations by the end of the century.

The wave of 1905 is known for its defeats more than its victories. Yet, those defeats not only provided the groundwork for further political experience, education and organization; but also created the most massive directly democratic organizations of autonomy that world history has ever seen (the workers’, peasants’, and soldiers’ councils). Without the defeats, semi-victories, and lessons of 1905-1911, there would neither be a Russian Revolution, nor a Chinese one (nor, for that matter, persistent oppositional cultures in Mexico, Turkey, and Iran).

In short, even though the immediate aftermath of the global revolt was much more demoralizing in 1905, its ripple effects were arguably more revolutionary.

The question, then, is whether 2011 will be a second 1848 or 1905. Will we have to wait decades for the fruits, or is 2011 the harbinger of something to come very soon, perhaps a second 1917? Some might ask, Why would we want a second 1917, given that the hopes invested in the first one were overblown? The council revolution of that year had spread quickly to parts of Europe, to be defeated and crushed completely in a few years. It was perhaps politically and economically immature to strive for socialism in an isolated Russia, as the resulting one-party dictatorship demonstrates. Nevertheless, the few years following 1917 showed to the whole world that popular classes could organize themselves and take decisions that influence the fate of their countries and the whole world. Moreover, the whole capitalist West had to reorganize its political and economic structures to incorporate popular voices and demands, out of fear of total annihilation by direct democracy. Still, the leaders of the Russian councils could have served themselves and the world better if they had set more realistic goals and persistently pushed for them in the rest of the world, rather than attempting, in vain, to build socialism in an isolated and impoverished semi-capitalist country.

The first time around, the postcapitalist revolution was a tragedy. Since people are rightfully averse to farce nowadays, no mass movement will want to learn from 1917, unless we find the concept with which to draw the proper lessons from that pivotal event.

Recursive revolution

So, what would it take today to build up to a second 1917 without the illusions, defeats and horrors of the first one?

Neither the economic structures nor the political and ideological levels of activists and ordinary people are ready for a post-capitalist world today. The Russian leaders knew that none of this preparation was in place in 1917 either. Their solution, as one formulated it, was a “permanent revolution” (or, in the words of another leader, “uninterrupted revolution”) that combined the tasks of the preparation with the revolution; of capitalist and democratic transformation with post-capitalist transformation. There was a valid insight in this endeavor: If capitalism is left on its own path, it will destroy itself and the world, rather than preparing the earth for a post-capitalist civilization. For that reason, any post-capitalist transformation has to be immature. But the next logical step they took was flawed: They trusted that the process of revolution (of which the councils were the spine) and their own leadership would be sufficient to successfully combine the preparation for socialism and the revolution. This over-confidence in popular will and misleading optimism regarding revolutionary leadership was the kernel of 1917’s illusion. In an isolated Russia, the revolutionaries were pushed to first silence those who disagreed, then the councils, and ultimately each other. The structures that weighed on them cannot be simplified into a quick formula that emphasizes the bad will and authoritarianism of a few bad apples. If the illusion repeats itself under favorable circumstances, so will the horrors.

But, if any postcapitalist transformation has to start immaturely, what can sustain it, if not a permanent revolution? Popular energy (of the kind expressed in the councils, or in today’s “Taksim Commune” and the anarchistic innovations of OWS) and revolutionary leadership are indispensable, but not sufficient. If left to their own devices, either of these two are bound to destroy the other, and the revolutionary process along with it. A slow process of political maturation and ideological co-education (an interactive education, where intellectuals and masses are simultaneously transformed) has to accompany these. People dissatisfied with capitalism should also build their own postcapitalist institutions (such as cooperatives and other collectivist enterprises), though never forgetting that these are not sustainable (as popular and democratic) in the long run without revolutionary interventions (and massive revolts).

Such a process — where activists and people focus on building alternative institutions, on co-education, and on accumulating political experience during calmer periods, but then recursively focus on revolt against barriers that block the flowering of these institutions — could be called an intermittent or recursive revolution.

The intermittent revolution is not a permanent revolution: It is based on the realization that periods of calm are necessary for institution-building and co-education in civil society. But intermittent revolutionaries would also acknowledge, unlike reformists, the necessity of mass revolts to create and sustain organs of popular power and cultures of solidarity, and to smash the impediments that undermine alternative institutions.

The leaders of 1917 also had another partially valid insight: The impossibility of postcapitalist transition in one country. This insight, however, was wedded to another illusion: the imminence of the European (especially German) revolution. To avoid the monstrosity which would result from forcefully pushing for this dream (through the invasion of its neighbors!), Russia succumbed to a dictator’s hard-nosed pragmatism (in the garb of dry dogmatism). But when we give up the illusion of an imminent transition to socialism, we can also avoid the false dichotomy between a global revolution and socialism in one country; as well as that between bookish internationalism and pragmatic nationalism. We can build a postcapitalist world only through an interregional, intermittent revolution; that is, through the cooperation of activists and peoples who have to accept defeats and semi-victories, and then move on, in solidarity. The activists and leaders of the intermittent revolution would be rooted in their own national soil, but would strategically think about and act on the possibilities of transformation elsewhere, in active interaction with leaders in the respective national contexts. Such links are already being forged today throughout the world.

In search of new organizational forms

What can we expect, then, from the global wave of 2011?

We can reasonably look forward to the spread of popular and democratic organizations and cultures. We can’t know, yet, whether mainstream cultures and state structures will be as thoroughly transformed as in the decades that followed 1848. That era witnessed, in Europe, the first moves toward the welfare state. Will states and mainstream cultures similarly incorporate 2011’s sensibilities regarding nature, urban rights, and participatory democracy? This will certainly depend on the further spread of the global revolt, as today’s incumbent regimes and elites are much more reactionary when compared to those of mid-19th century Europe.

Hence, it might look unreasonable to talk, more ambitiously, of a second 1905. But the task is more urgent today: Capitalism is reaching its financial and natural limits. It is no longer sustainable. If alternatives are not produced and implemented, the earth is going to be destroyed under its weight. What the alternatives to capitalism could be is the topic of another discussion, and that discussion should also kick into top gear now. I focus here on another task: the making of the actors who can push for the implementation of these alternatives.

What can we hope to achieve at this moment? Alongside the further spread of revolt, we can strive to create interregional links among activists and leaders; and recruit and nurture a body of activists from a generation that has engaged in politics for the first time. This recruitment and networking, though, would be historically relevant only if conducted with a strategic vision. Rather than eulogizing leaderless-ness, activists need to build flexible and democratic leadership structures. Leaderless revolt quickly dissipates or loses its direction. (If there was “no leadership” in Taksim today, as some activists claim, the square would quickly fall into the hands of the Kemalists; it is only through the — admittedly dispersed — leadership of various shades of the left that Kemalist hijacking is thwarted). Centralized leadership, we also know, robs people of their power.

A new form of leadership for a sustainable postcapitalist transformation requires an ability to learn from the grassroots, willingness to interact with popular energy, institutionalized checks and balances, and constant immersion in alternative institutions and co-education. Just like 1905 put its stamp on history through the consolidation of a new organizational form (the centralized revolutionary party), 2011 might create (or bring to attention) a new (more democratic, yet still efficient) form of revolutionary organization.

Only then can we begin to speak of a second 1905.


Turkey’s Tree Revolution
A Hard Lesson in Democracy
by Rebecca Theodore / June 11th, 2013

A new vision has dawned in Turkey. ‘The protection of the human rights of all citizens and the active participation of the people in politics and civic life’ are the driving tenets of any democracy. It is only fair for citizens to demand dignity and respect if their voices are not heard.

What began as a clash between environmentalist and police over plans to cut down trees in a park on Istanbul’s Taksim Square to make room for a shopping mall has now resulted in one of the biggest anti-government rallies in decades. In the crackdown, which was ordered by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, three people have died, hundreds have been injured and more than 1,000 have been arrested.

Several debates cloud the search for answers about this upheaval. Many claim that Taksim Square is for Turkey what Tahir Square is for Egypt and that Erdogan’s style has become too dictatorial, but as author and social activist Naomi Klein confirms, “Democracy is not just the right to vote, it is the right to live in dignity.”

But who would have thought that the right to dignity would be a sought-after goal in a country where Prime Minister Erdogan’s ambitions account for the opening of a canal connecting the Black Sea to the Marmara Sea; the construction of an airport in the wooded lands north of Istanbul, a third bridge across the Bosporus Strait, and nuclear power plants?

Given all these splendid achievements, the masses are still driven to protest and they are refusing to tolerate any or all forms of abuse from the state. Unlike Egypt’s Tahir square where people wanted to overthrow a corrupt established order, the people in Taksim square are calling for a regime change. They are demanding the right to be heard in a parliamentary representative democracy where government’s repression of the media, disrespect of public opinion and civil liberties are stifled.

As a result, the revolt in Turkey is much more than just a determination to save rows of sycamore trees. It is the kindled flames of a fire that that has been burning beneath for a long time. It is the fire of Human Rights, Kurdish Rights, Women’s Rights, and Press Freedom. Amnesty International and the International Federation of Journalists have labeled Turkey as “the country with the largest number of journalists under detention. Many renowned journalists have been arrested on charges of terrorism and anti-state activities and have been forced out of their jobs by the personal intervention of the Prime Minister.” While Secularists point to a raft on laws that block the marketing, sales and consumption of alcoholic drinks, Erdogan continues to undermine journalists, intellectuals, artists, judges, human rights activists, and NGOs.

It is clear that Erdoğan’s conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) have departed from the norm of democracy. His assault on political and civil liberties shows that people are fatigued with his despotic style of leadership and substantiates the fact that democracy is a continuous evolving process that can yield surprising results.

In truth, the uprising in Turkey is a revelation that the shared theme of power should always be acknowledged in a democracy. If people feel neglected or abused, they will rise up for “it is the people who control the Government, not the Government the people.”

Soner Cagaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute, pointedly adds that “the middle class that the AKP has built is telling the governing party- Democracy is not just winning elections, it is also building consensus, so do not push projects down our throats. Talk to us and listen….. Now this middle class wants individual rights and takes issue with the Turkish ruling party’s understanding of democracy.”

As demonstrated by this, Erdogan is not being challenged by the opposition party but by civil society. Although Bloomberg’s editor Marc Champion charges that “Erdogan is a force of nature and has a genius for turning events to his advantage” it must also be seen that the protests are occurring at a time when Erdoğan faces the challenges of drafting a new constitution, overhauling a slowed down economy, a Kurdish peace process, supervising a complex Syrian crisis and entry talks with the European Union.

Unquestionably, the odds are not in his favor.

The protest may eventually dissolve, but it remains a warning sign to leaders the world over that Democracy works best when it flourishes in an atmosphere that celebrates opposition and diversity and the state must respect the power of its citizens. ‘The sovereign power of democracy resides in the people, and is exercised either directly by them or by officers elected by them.’ Democracy cannot thrive without freedom of expression and when fascism and police brutality continue to surpass the will of the people, then protest will eventually follow. As historian Howard Zinn contends, “Protest beyond the law is not a departure from democracy; it is absolutely essential to it.” Erdogan was elected by the people, but it is wrong to impose conventional social values on people who do not share them.

Thus, the rebellion in Turkey has brought home a hard lesson in democracy — “The People, United, will Never be Defeated.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby Luther Blissett » Mon Aug 12, 2013 10:34 am

Some possible woo with a tangential link to the Ergenekon trials.

Prime Ministry: telepathy may be involved in engineers' deaths
5 August 2013 /AHMET DÖNMEZ, ANKARA

A report the Inspection Board of the Prime Ministry has recently completed on the mysterious deaths of some engineers working for a Turkish defense industry giant, ASELSAN, maintains that the young engineers may have been driven to commit suicide after being exposed to telepathic attacks aimed at destroying them psychologically.

Four engineers working for ASELSAN died in mysterious and consecutive deaths in the years 2006 and 2007. Following the initial probe conducted after the deaths of Hüseyin Başbilen, Halim Ünsem Ünal, Evrim Yançeken and Burhaneddin Volkan, the press reported that the unexpected deaths of the four engineers were believed to be suicides, but question marks about the deaths have lingered on, with the families of the victims usually skeptical about their suicides.

Last year, the Inspection Board of the Prime Ministry launched a probe into the engineers' deaths. After completing a one-year investigation into the incidents, the Inspection Board has drawn up a final report, which, after being presented to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan this week, was also submitted to the Ankara Chief Prosecutor's Office, which is in charge of the investigation.

Despite previous claims in the media that the four engineers had worked on some important defense projects, “They were not working on critical projects,” the report said. One of the most striking things in the report is the suggestion that the four engineers may have been led to commit suicide after being subjected to telepathic attacks aimed to induce depression. In the report, inspectors also urged the Ankara Chief Prosecutor's Office to investigate the deaths from this perspective.

The report doesn't provide a clear answer as to whether the deaths should be labeled as murder or suicide. After enumerating the findings about the deaths, the inspectors drawing up the report highlighted the fact that video images of the period immediately before the deaths, particularly in the cases of Başbilen and Yançeken, are needed, but as the deaths were seven years ago, it is no longer possible.

All four engineers were undergoing psychological treatment before their deaths. But inspectors find it suspicious that, after Başbilen's death, all three other engineers had, one after the other, started to undergo psychological treatment. The inspectors conceded in the report, however, that no connection between the four deaths has been found.

Hüseyin Başbilen (31), a cryptology expert, was found dead in his car, with his throat and wrist cut, in Ankara on August 2006. Authorities announced that Başbilen, who had been married for two months, had committed suicide. Six months after Başbilen's death, Halim Ünsem Ünal, 29, was found dead, shot in the head by a pistol belonging to his father, in his car. The death of Ünal, who was to be married in three days, was also recorded as suicide.

Only eight days after Ünal's death, another electrical engineer, Evrim Yançeken (26), lost his life, falling from the balcony of the apartment in which he was living with his parents in Ankara. About ten months later, Burhanettin Volkan, a software engineer, apparently committed suicide on October 9, 2007, with his own gun while on guard duty as part of military service. Volkan, who had started to receive psychological treatment before being enlisted, was married during his military service. He died only 40 days after being married.

Initially, all four cases were closed after being labeled as suicides. But Fikret Seçen, the prosecutor conducting the Ergenekon investigation, an illegal gang charged with plotting to overthrow the government, referred the files of Başbilen, Yançeken and Volkan to the Ankara Chief Prosecutor's Office in 2010.

Başbilen's case is particularly suspicious. In the report drawn up by the Security Directorate, the theory of Başbilen's murder is given a higher probability by experts, while out of the eight members of the Council of Forensic Medicine (ATK), five said the Başbilen case was suicide, with three opting for murder. The investigation is still ongoing regarding the deaths of the ASELSAN engineers. Vehbi Başbilen, father of Hüseyin, wrote a letter to Erdoğan in August last year, saying he didn't believe his son would have committed suicide. It was following this letter that Erdoğan instructed the Inspection Board to investigate the case.

The Inspection Board examined almost everything, from the projects the four engineers worked on to the victims' family life, psychological treatment they were receiving, trips abroad and files prepared by the prosecutor's office. Members of the Inspection Board also talked with the families, the psychologists of the victims and with experts in telepathy.


on edit: I wanted to add the connection to Ergenekon trials, since it's not apparent from this article.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ASELSAN
Suicides[edit source | editbeta]

Between 2006 and 2009, four suspicious deaths of young engineers occurred, who were working at Aselsan on highly strategic encryption and decryption projects. The cases were initially declared as suicide. Three of the four cases were relaunched in 2011 to investigate a possible link to the Ergenekon trials.[11][12]
Last edited by Luther Blissett on Mon Aug 12, 2013 11:17 am, edited 1 time in total.
The Rich and the Corporate remain in their hundred-year fever visions of Bolsheviks taking their stuff - JackRiddler
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Aug 12, 2013 10:55 am

Google Invests in Mind Reading Research in Turkey
Published by Süleyman Okan on 17 7 2012 - 16:09

Süleyman Okan
Researchers at Middle East Technical University (METU) and Koç University developed a code that can read and correctly analyze the emotional state of its user through textual, visual, and auditory cues, coupled with neural data acquired using functional magnetic resonance imaging. The project is funded by the search giant Google under its awards program.

The research project, titled “Pattern Analysis of Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging”, sets its ultimate goal as employing the sentiment class labels to improve the search engines of Google.

The cross-disciplinary collaborative effort of the two universities seems to be bearing fruit. “For example, we can correctly guess certain things the user is thinking of, like colors, objects, animals, clothing, vegetables, and fruits.” said Dr. Fatoş Yarman-Vural of METU Computer Engineering. “The success rate is above 80%”. The research team thinks we may be facing the most advanced models currently in use in the world.

The requirement of placing test subjects in an MRI machine, and the inability of the code to predict categories it has not yet been taught may cause you to let your guard down and not reach for the tin foil in your drawer. “This is just the beginning,” warns Dr. Vural, “these intelligent machines are working for the first time to understand the natural intelligence that engendered them.”
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby semper occultus » Fri Sep 05, 2014 11:14 am

...been waiting a while for a book on this area and when it does it ain't cheap....

Image



Heroin, Organized Crime, and the Making of Modern Turkey explores the history of organized crime in Turkey and the roles which gangs and gangsters have played in the making of the Turkish state and Turkish politics. Turkey's underworld, which has been at the heart of several devastating scandals over the last several decades, is strongly tied to the country's long history of opium production and heroin trafficking. As an industry at the centre of the Ottoman Empire's long transition into the modern Turkish Republic, as important as the silk road had been in earlier centuries, the modern rise of the opium and heroin trade helped to solidify and complicate long-standing relationships between state officials and criminal syndicates. Such relationships produced not only ongoing patterns of corruption, but helped fuel and enable repeated acts of state violence.

Drawing upon new archival sources from the United States and Turkey, including declassified documents from the Prime Minister's Archives of the Republic of Turkey and the Central Intelligence Agency, Heroin, Organized Crime, and the Making of Modern Turkey provides a critical window into how a handful of criminal syndicates played supporting roles in the making of national security politics in the contemporary Turkey. The rise of the 'Turkish mafia', from its origins in the late Ottoman period to its role in the 'deep state' revealed by the so-called Susurluk and Ergenekon scandals, is a story that mirrors troubling elements in the republic's establishment and emphasizes the transnational and comparative significance of narcotics and gangs in the country's past
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby tapitsbo » Fri Jun 17, 2016 2:21 am

The Turkish "Grey Wolves" came again to my attention today, as I was informed that there is a clique of would-be mainstream semi-professional pundits/journalists who refer to their apparent fanbase by the same name "ironically"...

At a time of "neo-Ottoman" ideologies its interesting that these groups are still on the radar of "antifa" presumably because of their nationalism.

Islamist parties and militias that eschew this sort of "nationalism" seem to be awarded apologetic sympathies from the mainstream of the Western left and liberals (well across the political spectrum this suggests.) I have even seen Western leftists attack secular leftist Kurdish groups for alleged "fascist" nationalism. Since Erdogan's government blends nationalism and Islamism it appears to be parsed in the Western media in a confusing way - some support, some scolding combined with scapegoating for a role supporting jihadist groups, which in any case seems to be a role shared by the US, UK, France, etc.

I wouldn't be surprised to see Turkey become a pivotal site of a reorientation in the "narrative" over the coming years... the promise of visa-free travel from Turkey to the EU appears to have been recently withdrawn, as well...

(I am sure certain posters here have all sorts of opinions about political and cultural divisions within Turkey but the messaging in Western media is certainly fascinating in its own right)
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby semper occultus » Wed Apr 26, 2017 8:04 am

Image

not sure how this evaded my radar but very pleased on initial flip-through - looked a bit tacky but seems like another excellent resource on this neglected area
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Re: Turkey: Ergenekon Coup Plan Details

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed Apr 26, 2017 9:23 am

Never forget Trump's National Security Advisor Gen. Yellowkerk was working and getting paid by Turkey

Image

Take a visit via the Net to the world of associations
https://www.democratunderground.com/dis ... 125x146569


State Dept. Quashed 9/11 Links To Global Drug Trade
https://www.democraticunderground.com/d ... _id=610235


Explosive new Sibel Edmonds interview
https://www.democraticunderground.com/d ... id=1555133


DOJ Asked FBI Translator To Change Pre 9-11 Intercepts
https://www.democraticunderground.com/d ... _id=442067


"Heroin, Al Qaeda and the Florida Flight School"
https://www.democraticunderground.com/d ... 04x1294206
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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