UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

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UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby 8bitagent » Fri Feb 25, 2011 6:21 am

As Libyan proxy forces and mercs go door to door mowing down people and committing random massacres throughout Tripoli and neighboring cities, will the UK regret how it became such a strong bedfellow with Gadhafi?

Hot on the heels of news that Blair helped get the Lockerbie mastermind released for large BP oil contracts, comes word that UK gave the weapons and training Gadhafi's forces are using to kill people

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/41767365/ns/world_news-mideastn_africa/

LONDON — When Moammar Gadhafi told the world he was a changed man, some leaders were skeptical. Others, like Britain's Tony Blair, were quicker to see the benefits of rapprochement with the oil-rich nation.

Now, as Gadhafi's regime crumbles, questions are being raised about whether Britain, the United States, and others were too quick to embrace a volatile despot linked to terrorism and oppression as they sought lucrative business deals.

Those deals worth billions are now in jeopardy as Libya hurtles toward civil war.
The strategic decision to build ties with the likes of Gadhafi, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, and Tunisia's Ben Ali also threatens to further inflame anti-Western anger in the Arab world.

Blair's role was particularly vital in Gadhafi's international rehabilitation.

The former British prime minister flew to Libya in 2004, holding talks with Gadhafi inside a Bedouin tent. He praised the leader for ending Libya's nuclear and chemical weapons program and stressed the need for new security alliances in the wake of the Sept. 11 terror attacks. British commercial deals soon followed.

Britain sold Libya about 40 million pounds ($55 million) worth of military and paramilitary equipment in the year ending Sept. 30, 2010, according to Foreign Office statistics. Among the items: sniper rifles, bulletproof vehicles, crowd control ammunition, and tear gas.

"What did the Foreign Office think Colonel Gadhafi meant to do with sniper rifles and tear gas grenades — go mole hunting?" asked Britain's Guardian newspaper.


Although Britain's current government led by David Cameron has revoked dozens of export licenses to Libya in the wake of the Libyan violence, many say the very weapons and equipment Britain has sold to Libya are being used against the country's people.

Britain's elite Special Air Service, or SAS, also participated in recent training for Libyan soldiers in counterterrorism and surveillance. Robin Horsfall, a former SAS soldier, said at the time that the training was a mistake: "People will die as a result of this decision," he warned.


Since Scotland's release of Abdel Baset al-Megrahi — the only man convicted in the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland — U.S. lawmakers have accused Britain of backing the Libyan's freedom in exchange for oil deals. The former Libyan intelligence agent was accused of placing a bomb on the plane. The bombing killed 280, many of them American students.

"Moammar Gadhafi is a terrorist — plain and simple," said U.S. Senator Robert Menendez, a Democrat from New Jersey, after Libya's former Justice Minister Mustafa Abdel-Jalil told the Swedish tabloid Expressen Wednesday that Gadhafi had personally ordered the Lockerbie bombing.


Isn't that nice? Blair not only helped hatch the bogus "omg he's dying!" ruse to get the guy who blew up 270 Americans freed so UK could further suckle on the teet of BP riches...
but basically the weapons and SAS training to Gadhafi's forces are being used to stage widespread massacres.

And people think it's conspiracy that almost all terrorists and despots are secretly backed by Western governments.

OH! But it doesn't end there, nope.

Washington paves way
But Washington has also cultivated ties with Gadhafi.

In 2008, former president George W. Bush sent his top diplomat Condoleezza Rice to Libya for talks with Gadhafi.
She called the trip "historic" and said it had "come after a lot of difficulty, the suffering of many people that will never be forgotten or assuaged."

The same year, Texas-based Exxon Mobil signed an exploration agreement with the Libyan National Oil Corp. to explore for hydrocarbons off the Libyan coast.

The U.S. also approved the sale of military items to Libya in recent years, giving private arms firms licenses to sell everything from explosives and incendiary agents to aircraft parts and targeting equipment.


The Bush administration approved the sale of $3 million of materials to Libya in 2006 and $5.3 million in 2007. In 2008, Libya was allowed to import $46 million in armaments from the U.S. The approved goods included nearly 400 shipments of explosive and incendiary materials, 25,000 aircraft parts, 56,000 military electronics components and nearly 1,000 items of optical targeting and other guidance equipment.

The U.S. State Department has not yet provided figures for materiel licensed to Libya during the Obama administration. But according to one U.S. government official, Congress spurned a 2009 Obama administration request for approval of a license to allow the private shipment of M113 armored personnel carriers.

The official, who insisted on anonymity because the licensing process is classified, would not detail the number of armored cars sought by Libya. Libyan military officials had pressed U.S. officials as far back as 2007 for the cars and troop-carrying Chinook helicopters, but the Bush administration balked at the requests, the official said.

U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay recalled that U.S. leaders discouraged her from pressing Libya on its poor human rights record.

"In the last few days (of the Bush administration) I did meet with some representatives of the U.S. administration," Pillay told The Associated Press in an interview. "They said to me the human rights record of Libya is fine so you needn't touch that."


Doesn't this all just make you feel all warm and gushy inside?

Reminds me of how the US allowed Saudi Arabia to run 15 of the 9/11 hijackers through specially created student visa express programs in 2000 and 2001 despite almost all of them being tracked by counter terror operations via the NSA, CIA and Pentagon. Oops!
"Do you know who I am? I am the arm, and I sound like this..."-man from another place, twin peaks fire walk with me
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby Stephen Morgan » Fri Feb 25, 2011 6:50 am

Megrahi was in no way responsible for the Lockerbie bombing, he was stitched up by our government an traded by Gaddafi for the removal of sanctions. He was released because he was continuing to appeal and reveal the machinations behind his conviction without a proper trial.
Those who dream by night in the dusty recesses of their minds wake in the day to find that all was vanity; but the dreamers of the day are dangerous men, for they may act their dream with open eyes, and make it possible. -- Lawrence of Arabia
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby American Dream » Fri Feb 25, 2011 7:05 am

Then there's the Wilson/Terpil story:


http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/c ... son_1.html


Ed Wilson's Revenge

The Biggest CIA Scandal in History Has Its Feet in the Starting Blocks in a Houston Court House

by Michael C. Ruppert

[The following article appeared in the January, 2000 issue of From The Wilderness]


The following is written after examining more than 900 pages of documents, in four volumes, filed since last September, in Houston Federal Court, by attorneys representing former CIA operative Edwin P. Wilson and the United States Department of Justice. As strange as it may seem, FTW assures you that there is a document on file or an on-the-record quote to support everything we now tell you.

On February 2, 1983, the Houston trial of former CIA agent Edwin P. Wilson, on Federal charges that he had unlawfully sold explosives to Libya, hung at a truly precarious moment. In chambers, the Judge hearing the case had refused to allow a CIA witness, using the pseudonym William Larson, to testify using a false name. The CIA, and prosecutors like aggressive Northern Virginia Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) Ted Greenberg, relying on investigative materials produced under the direction of Washington, D.C. AUSAs Larry Barcella and Carol Bruce, were also concerned about limiting Wilson's ability to cross examine Larson for "security" reasons. Larson's intended testimony would have included statements that, according to CIA records under Larson's care, Ed Wilson had not been a CIA employee or done any work for the Agency since 1971.

According to Barcella, who gave a detailed interview to FTW for this story, the Judge's ruling raised serious security concerns for the Justice Department. The CIA records issue still needed to be addressed from another angle - and quickly. Wilson's defense had already made the case that the CIA had known and sanctioned the activities for which he was now on trial. That position needed to be countered in the rebuttal phase before the case went to the jury. Time was running out.

Ed Wilson stood accused of shipping 42,000 pounds of the plastic explosive C-4 directly to Libyan dictator Moammar Qadaffy in 1977, and then hiring U.S. experts - former U.S. Army Green Berets - to teach Qadaffy's people how to make bombs shaped like lamps, ashtrays and radios. Bombs were actually made, and foes of Qadaffy were actually murdered. This was the ongoing crime that had made Wilson, and his still-missing accomplice, former CIA employee Frank Terpil, the most infamous desperadoes in the world. C-4, according to some experts, is the most powerful non-nuclear explosive made. Two pounds in the right places can bring down a jumbo jet. Hence, 42,000 pounds would be enough to bring down 21,000 jumbo jets. C-4 is highly prized on the world's black markets and is much in demand. It is supposedly very tightly controlled where it is manufactured - in the U.S.

At the time it was shipped from Houston International Airport, in 1977, the 42,000 pounds of C-4 represented almost the entire United States domestic supply. It had been collected for Wilson by one California explosives distributor who collected it from a number of manufacturers around the country. Surprisingly, no one had officially noticed. Wilson had, in earlier and subsequent deals, also sold a number of handguns to Qadaffy, and several had been used in assassinations of Libyan dissidents in a number of countries, including the United States. It was these and other firearms violations by Wilson, including a scheme to ship more than a thousand M16 rifles to Qadaffy, that had put the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) and Larry Barcella on Wilson's trail back in late 1977.

That investigation, which resulted in a 1982 Virginia conviction, led to the discovery of the C-4 shipment to Qadaffy. By January of 1983 Barcella and a team of dedicated BATF agents had been on Ed Wilson's trail for five long years. Barcella, in Houston as an observer and advisor, had been "twiddling his thumbs most of the time," but he did testify as a witness. He was, by virtue of his role as the originator of the cases, "the institutional memory" of DoJ. Ted Greenberg had, from the other side of the Potomac in Alexandria, taken over other investigations stemming from Wilson's activities which led eventually to the Eatsco scandal. That investigation involved Wilson cronies Tom Clines, Air Force General Richard Secord, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Eric von Marbod and the legendary Ted Shackley.

Shackley had served in the hottest CIA posts in history. He had run the Miami station known as JM-WAVE, targeting Fidel Castro in the early 1960s, and had been a key planner in the Bay of Pigs invasion. He was also directly involved in CIA attempts on Castro's life in concert with the Mafia. In the mid-sixties he had been the Chief of Station (COS) in Laos, running the largest covert operation in CIA history - a secret war intimately tied with opium and heroin smuggling and the abandonment of large numbers of American POWs. In the late sixties and early seventies he had served as COS in Saigon at the end of the Vietnam War. After leaving Saigon, Shackley had, for a time, served as Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division as the CIA orchestrated the overthrow of Chile's Salvador Allende. He had then become Associate Deputy Director of Operations (running all covert operations) in time to, as FTW believes, "preside" over Ed Wilson's Libyan affairs and the events that would ultimately result in the downfall of the Shah of Iran. Everywhere you looked in Wilson's life - post 1971 - you found either Shackley or his career-long deputy and sidekick, Tom Clines.

Shackley testified twice before Federal grand juries in the Wilson case. In one of those sessions, included in Wilson's recent court filings, he denied anything other than social contacts and a few meetings to evaluate information that never amounted to much. CIA Inspector General records (some still classified) belied Shackley's testimony. In light of voluminous CIA material, investigative reports, witness statements, BATF interviews with Shackley associates and a long litany of other records, Ted Shackley's testimony made a lot of people at CIA and DoJ very nervous. [FTW found it very interesting to note that, in his first testimony, Ted Shackley denied having ever met Ronald Reagan's CIA Director, William Casey. That may have to be the subject of another FTW article.]

Notes made by Justice Department lawyers in meetings held in late 1983, after Wilson's conviction, indicate their belief that Ted Shackley lied to the grand juries. Unattributed quotes found in meeting notes include the statements "Stupid -TS lied to GJ."

The Houston prosecution, for which Greenberg had served as the primary classified record handler, and AUSAs Jim Powers and Karen Morrissette, had no difficulty establishing that Wilson, in 1976, had secured plans for miniature timing devices from CIA contractors and, subsequently, had thousands manufactured and shipped to Libya. The Houston prosecution had no difficulty - using Barcella's, Bruce's and Greenberg's investigations - to establish that Wilson had conspired to obtain and ship the C-4 in 1977. Greenberg, Barcella, Bruce, Karen Morrissette and local Houston AUSAs also had absolutely no difficulty establishing that Wilson then chartered a DC-8 to ship the C-4 to Libya using falsified records. A hapless lawyer friend of Wilson's California explosives honcho, believing he had clearance from the CIA and other government agencies, even went along on the delivery. He had also been arrested and charged in the case. All of this took place under the guidance of Deputy Assistant Attorney General Mark Richard, and the supervision of Assistant Attorneys General Steven Trott and D. Lowell Jensen,

Evidence of Wilson's venality was not hard to find and put before the jury. While living in Libya for extended periods between 1977 and 1981, Wilson hired former Green Berets, some of whom were, according to FTW sources, alleged to be active-duty troops posing as rogues and retirees out for money. Using them, he set up an intensive instructional training program for Qadaffy that was intended to make the Libyan Colonel a credible terrorist threat - and credible foe - to any opponent, anywhere in the world. That effort was an unqualified success. People and things started blowing up and dying all over the place.

All the while, Wilson traveled the globe first-class, an ostentatiously wealthy man owning more than 6,000 acres of prime properties in Virginia, Great Britain and Malta. Much of that, the prosecution argued, had been paid for with millions from a Libyan dictator who had subsequently dispatched in 1982, if you believed the press, assassination teams to blow up Ronald Reagan in the White House.

Making Ed Wilson out to be a very nasty and unlikable individual was the easy part of the prosecution's case.

The second part of the prosecution's case was that one-time career CIA Agent Edwin P. Wilson had had absolutely no official relationship with the Agency since 1971. Wilson was, they argued, a good guy gone hopelessly bad who had abused his contacts, experience and the trust placed in him to commit horrible crimes behind the backs of his former colleagues. And that was where both the Department of Justice - and the CIA - were in deep, deep trouble on February 2, 1983.

Wilson, a one time career CIA agent, who had also worked for the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), was fighting for his life. An "open source" paper trail from CIA showed that he had not worked at Langley since 1971. Shortly thereafter he began working for a secret Navy operation known as Task Force 157. But, according to other records from both CIA and the Navy, he stopped working for the ONI in 1976 and none of his Navy work was connected to Libya. After that, or so it seemed, even though he continuously socialized with some of the most powerful people in the U.S. intelligence community and the military, he did no official work for anyone. It was in late 1975 and 1976, when George Bush ran the CIA, that Wilson, as an alleged rogue, opened ties to Qadaffy and began selling weapons, explosives and other services and equipment to the terrorist regime.

This would not be the last time that a so-called enemy of the United States in the Arab world would be supplied with weapons and bomb making materials on a watch under the command of George H. W. Bush. While Ed Wilson was training and equipping Qadaffy, he was also lunching with Bush protege Shackley. He was providing personal airplanes for Air Force General Richard Secord to fly around in, and loaning large sums of money to Shackley's sidekick, Tom Clines. His company, Consultants International, once a CIA proprietary, which Wilson "bought" in 1971, was still receiving referral contacts from the Agency. And while former U.S. Army Green Berets, in Wilson's employ, were teaching Libyans how to blow things up, Clines, a high-ranking active CIA officer, was walking Wilson employee Douglas Schlachter through the halls at CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia. In 1977 Clines even introduced Schlachter to Jimmy Carter's newly appointed CIA Director, Navy Admiral Stansfield Turner. Exclusive parties, horseback riding events and private hunting parties were held for the "A" list at Wilson's expansive Mount Airy farm in Northern Virginia.

With the January 1977 change in Presidents from Ford to Carter it was inevitable that George Bush (the elder) would have to leave as Director of Central Intelligence (DCI). Shackley, however, remained in charge of covert operations until December of that year. Then, with a kiss of death, as Wilson's work and life became increasingly high-profile, Turner removed Shackley from the prestigious post of ADDO and transferred him to a non hands-on post out of the loop. It was the signal that Shackley's career was over. This came at the same time that Turner gave 800 CIA career covert operatives pink slips and "early retirement." FTW believes that it is no coincidence that Barcella's and the BATF investigations of Wilson began at exactly the same time.

President Jimmy Carter had already begun the groundbreaking work with Menachem Begin of Israel and Anwar Sadat of Egypt that would lead to the Camp David peace accords. It would not be good PR for the U.S. to be exposed secretly arming Sadat's bitter enemy and next door neighbor, Moammar Qadaffy - especially since Qadaffy intended to kill Sadat.

The problem with the government's position in the Wilson case was absolutely huge. It was almost beyond huge. And the rationale implied during the trial, with the preceding and ensuing vilification of Wilson in major newspapers, People Magazine and best selling books like Manhunt by Peter Maas, was that the heinousness of his crimes justified obsession and even rule-bending in order to bring the monster to justice. CIA Inspector General investigations, some partially redacted, made available to Wilson's prosecutorial team, dating as far back as 1977, proved that Wilson had provided a number of often embarrassing services for the Agency since 1971. Those records also showed no less than 80 "non-social" contacts between Wilson and the CIA between 1971 and 1978. The Agency had many records, some still classified, of Wilson meeting with Agency personnel - especially Shackley, Clines or Shackley's secretary.

Contrary to what would later become almost nonsensical hairsplitting by some of the most powerful, and supposedly ethical, lawyers in the country, the CIA - according to incredibly detailed reports compiled by the BATF, the FBI and the CIA's own Inspector General - was "operationally tasking" Wilson and his employees to accomplish specific objectives in Libya before, during and after delivery of the C-4. Both the Justice Department and the CIA had witness statements that the CIA had been tasking and debriefing Wilson's employees at exactly the same time that Wilson's employees were teaching Qadaffy's people how to blow things up.

Wilson's defense against the government's case had concluded at the end of January. His attorneys had made a compelling argument that apparently threw the Justice Department and the CIA into a crisis mode. Exhibits filed in Wilson's motion show that Greenberg and Barcella were concerned about it in advance. The defense was simple: Edwin P. Wilson, a loyal American whose company, Consultants International, received CIA referral business throughout the period, had been sanctioned by the CIA for the purposes of gathering intelligence, gaining access to Soviet military equipment in Libyan hands and other murky objectives. If Ed Wilson had not been sanctioned, he certainly believed that he had been, and the litany of his CIA contacts reasonably justified that belief. It was more than enough to raise doubt in the mind of the jury.

Wilson and his trial lawyers had introduced evidence from 1977 CIA Inspector General reports and other records that supported his claims. It was not enough to dismiss the case, perhaps, but it was a point that the prosecution could not let go unchallenged. There was too much at stake. Contrary to Barcella's suggestion to FTW that he was essentially an observer in Houston he did say that, "One of the problems that I had certainly had, from prior cases involving claims of a CIA defense, was that the Agency's compartmentalization oftentimes required two or three different people to be doing record searches because only certain people would be allowed to search certain components of the Agency.

"It was a pain in the ass from a trial lawyer's standpoint because you would oftentimes end up with three different witnesses. And any good defense lawyerÉ. can make mincemeat out of them by bouncing back and forth between one and the otherÉ One of the things that I wanted was one person as a witness to be given the authority by the CIA to search all components of the Agency, not just a single component of the Agency. "

The man originally scheduled to perform that role, to speak for all of the records in the Central Intelligence Agency, the man with the pseudonym "Larson", had just been exposed to cross examination by Wilson and been withdrawn. There had to be another way.

The Briggs Declaration

Charles A. Briggs was, on February 3, 1983, the third highest-ranking official at the Central Intelligence Agency. He was one of few men at CIA who could break through the compartments and search anywhere for records. He was the man to solve the problem in Houston. In Langley, Virginia, at 2:23 P.M., Houston time (according to a government teletype), Charles Briggs signed a declaration stating that on November 8th of 1982 he had authorized a search of all records of the CIA "for any material that in any way pertains to Edwin P. Wilson or the various allegations concerning his activities after 28 February 1971, when he resigned from the CIA."

Paragraph 4 of the Briggs Declaration states, "According to CIA records, with one exception while he was employed by Naval Intelligence in 1972, Mr. Edwin P. Wilson was not asked or requested, directly or indirectly, to perform or provide any services, directly or indirectly, for CIA."

At 2:30 P.M., Houston time, CIA General Counsel Stanley Sporkin certified the affidavit and affixed the seal of the Central Intelligence Agency to it. It was also notarized by a notary public licensed in Fairfax County, Virginia. Harold Fahringer, one of Wilson's attorneys was served with a copy of the affidavit at 3:55 P.M. Houston time - presumably in Houston. According to a partially declassified CIA memorandum, included in Wilson's filings, dated March 15, 1983 (40 days after Wilson's conviction), on the day and evening of February 3, 1983 "CIA attorneys stated to Assistant U.S. Attorney (AUSA) Ted Greenberg that the Briggs affidavit should not be admitted into evidence as then written, and requested that Greenberg not introduce the affidavit.

"The signers of the affidavit further state that CIA General Counsel Stanley Sporkin stated that, at minimum, the word 'indirectly' should be removed from paragraph four of the Briggs affidavit.

The signers of the document further state in the document that AUSA Greenberg decided against complying with the CIA attorneys' requests described above."

Apparently, through the evening of February 3rd, the phone lines between Langley and Houston were smoking. FTW has interviewed a number of people close to the trial and none indicate that Ted Greenberg left Houston to retrieve the declaration. Stanley Sporkin knew that the affidavit was incorrect and so did a great many people at CIA. The Houston time apparently indicates that a copy was telexed to Wilson's lawyer and another copy was placed in the master DoJ case files in Houston. Larry Barcella has "no recollection" of being involved in those phone conversations. No phone logs listing participants in them have, as yet, been disclosed.

In researching this story FTW contacted best-selling author Peter Maas who wrote the book Manhunt which detailed the hunt for Ed Wilson and the four and a half year mission by Barcella, et al to bring him to justice. Maas indicated that he had been aware of the Briggs affidavit and questions surrounding its use in court. He was careful to state that it was his belief that Barcella had no knowledge of the inaccuracies in the document - or the controversy surrounding it - until after it had been introduced into evidence. The paper trail seems to contradict this position. Barcella was in almost every pre-trial conference discussing Wilson's history. He was aware of the affidavit's existence and, therefore, had to have been aware that it was inaccurate.

Maas was, however, more open on the subject of Ted Greenberg who apparently had the power to override the CIA's top lawyer and number three executive. Maas said simply that Greenberg was aggressive and not well liked by the other lawyers. He was, in Mass' opinion, "Capable of anything."

On February 4th 1983, apparently without objection, the Briggs declaration was entered into evidence by Assistant U.S. Attorneys. Both the prosecution and the defense rested and, in the afternoon, the jury began deliberations.

On the morning of February 5th, 1983, the jury sent a note to the trial judge requesting that the Briggs affidavit be reread. At 9:50 A.M. the Judge empanelled the jury and reread the affidavit to them. The jury returned to deliberations and, at 10:45 A.M., sent a note announcing that they had reached a verdict. Wilson was guilty on all counts. The jury never asked for any other exhibit to be reread.

That same day a UPI wire service story described the deliberations. "Juror Betty Metzler said the panel was divided 11-1 almost from the start, and one juror was not convinced until Saturday morning by rereading of Briggs' affidavit denying Wilson's actions had anything to do with the CIA."

A week later, on February 10, 1983, Attorney Kim E. Rosenfield in the Attorney General's office sent a memorandum to Deputy Assistant Attorney General Mark Richard who ran DoJ's Criminal Division. The title of the memorandum was "Duty to Disclose Possibly False Testimony" and the memorandum pulled no punches. It went straight to prevailing case law (then and now) as decided by the U.S. Supreme Court and cited two cases known as Brady and Napue. The Napue case held that, "Failure of prosecutor to correct testimony which he knows to be false violates due process, whether the falsehood bears on credibility of witness or guilt of defendant, if it is in any way relevant to the case." In Brady the court ruled that "Suppression of material evidence by the government requires a new trial, irrespective of good or bad faith."

The memorandum continued, "Prosecutor has duty to correct false testimony even if falsehood was inadvertent or caused by another government officer. New trial required if the false testimony could "in any reasonable likelihood have affected the judgement of the jury."

The Forrest and the Trees

FTW has, unfortunately, interviewed no less than six lawyers in researching this article. The problem with that is that if one talks to too many lawyers, for too long, one gets confused - very confused. Medication, meditation and/or prayer is sometimes required. Clarity vanishes. Occasionally, however, an attorney will utter statements of breathtaking logic that confirm what the layman already suspected. We want to thank Larry Barcella for giving us that kind of clarity in one instance but he may not like what we did with it.

It would be easy to pull example after example out of the 900 pages of Exhibits filed by Ed Wilson's attorney, David Adler, to show various and sundry shocking examples of Wilson's ongoing contacts with Agency personnel and Ted Shackley. But, to do that would distract from the real issues. We could laughingly try to lay out some of the pretzel-bending logic expended by an array of legal horsepower, up to and including Assistant Attorneys General of the United States. We could pull quotes, like one in notes from a meeting including Mark Richard, Lowell Jensen and a half dozen other lawyers in which someone quipped, "We're bending over backwards to fall down."

From the documents in the filing it is apparent that through November of 1983, long after Edwin Wilson had been sentenced to 17 years on the C-4 violations, every lawyer from the Justice Department who became aware of the "inaccuracy" of the Briggs affidavit kept their moth shut about it. A reading of the law and an easily understandable sense of fair play suggest that this was wrong. That many people were worried about the use of the memorandum is clear. Both Stanley Sporkin and Mark Richard can be seen, in a variety of memoranda and meetings, arguing for disclosure or some remedy. It is apparent that either their consciences or their fears of exposure were very "sensitized."

And, on close scrutiny, the remedy that was found does not sit well either. From exhibits filed by Adler on Wilson's behalf it is apparent that Assistant Attorney General Steven Trott, now a Judge on the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, gave permission to the worried lawyers to disclose some "inaccuracies" in the Briggs affidavit in an obscure paragraph in filings to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals. This was long after the conviction. If the Appeals court said to do something they would, if not, they were off the hook. Adler's response on this point is clear and compelling. "The problem with the logic is, at least, twofold. The 'disclosure' was made to the appeals court, not the trial court. I don't believe the Supreme Court's prohibition on the government's knowing use of false testimony is rectified by admitting the truth to an entirely different court. The second problem is that telling the truth and admitting a lie has been told are two different statementsÉ It [DoJ's attempt to satisfy disclosure requirements] simply mentioned (in a document only a few select people had access to) that Wilson had provided 'a few services'. The trial court and, more importantly, the jury were never told."

Barcella's position is that a lot of honorable people engaged in a lot of mental effort, that may have "gotten too technical" to protect the integrity of a conviction that doesn't need to be undermined.

"While the inaccuracies in the Briggs affidavit are unfortunate," Barcella said, "they really don't go to the heart of the defense. To have an authorization defense you have got to be able to show that the act that you are charged with was authorizedÉ Wilson never even alleged that he was authorized to ship the C-4. He didn't want to admit that he had anything to do with the C-4É He never called Shackley or Clines to the stand because he knew what they would have said. That claim would have been very easy to refute.

"People can claim the CIA does weird, bizarre, strange counterproductive things. And they may be able to claim that with some good, solid basis behind it. But what kind of logic would have to be employed to assume that the CIA would authorize the shipment of 40,000 pounds, 20 tons, of C-4, to the guy that was then the biggest terrorist in the world?"

Ironically Barcella's own logic is called into question on three accounts. Once, by the very CIA witness whose testimony the prosecution refused to allow under the conditions imposed by the court - William Larson. In a deposition before the Judge's ruling, according to Adler's motion, Larson told prosecutors "Éthat the Agency might consider providing 40,000 pounds of explosives to Libya if the source who needed to provide the explosives could obtain 'great' information in return. Larson said the Agency would deal with the devil if needed."

Second, as regular FTW readers know, we have often spoken of the pattern of the U.S. secretly arming its enemies for the purposes of expanding budgets, "stimulating" the economy and ensuring election victories. Abundant documentation - irrefutable documentation - exists to indicate that the Rockefellers, Henry Ford and major American firms financed Adolph Hitler both before and during the Second World War. Fletcher Prouty, using Department of Defense Records has documented how, in 1946, we gave half the weapons intended for use by the U.S. military in the aborted invasion of Japan to Ho Chi Minh. Iraqgate and the scandal around Banco Nacional de Lavoro (BNL) and Kennametal showed us how George Bush had secretly armed Saddam Hussein before the Gulf War. Even Ted Shackley's own book, The Third Option (McGraw-Hill, 1981), suggests that arming both sides of a conflict is often the best way to control the outcome, sharpen skills and make a profit.

Third, the concept of plausible deniability is not a theoretical abstract from spy novels. It is an enshrined principle of covert operations around the world. There is a point in the food chain at which deniability by higher ups is essential to the conduct of all covert operations. Ed Wilson made millions of dollars because he was taking the risks. He knew that if Shackley or (the now deceased) Tom Clines ever took the stand, they would deny any connection to his actions. That, FTW believes, was the deal from the start. Deniability is reportedly one of Ted Shackley's favorite words.

Is it really so hard to believe? It is harder for FTW to believe that Ed Wilson had so much contact with Agency employees and they didn't know about the C-4. Is that possible when Wilson's personal assistant Douglas Schlachter was walking the halls at CIA headquarters with Clines? That would kind of make the reported $30 billion CIA budget a waste of money wouldn't it? And, as it plays right now, believing that we live in a nation governed by the rule of law doesn't make much sense either. Our favorite quote from all of the exhibits so far is not an exact quote but rather a note included with the exhibits. It was made during a meeting of lawyers held on an undetermined date after the trial. Attending the meeting were D. Lowell Jensen, Mark Richard, Stanley Sporkin, Larry Barcella,, Houston AUSA Jim Powers, CIA Attorney David Pearline, DoJ Lawyer Kim Rosenfield (who wrote the Duty to Disclose memorandum) and several other people.

Jensen, now a sitting U.S. District Court Judge in Oakland said that the premise was that DoJ didn't need to disclose because Wilson already knew the facts. As recorded in the notes Stanley Sporkin the replied, "Goes beyond thatÉ this is record affidavit, if found things in records, must be disclosed. - Not in someone's mind."

We wish that Justice was that simple.

NEXT?

In a response made public on January 18, the Department of Justice acknowledged that Ted Greenberg introduced inaccurate testimony at Wilson's trial. David Adler has told FTW that he has until February 11th to file his response to the DoJ at which time the court may grant Wilson's motion to set aside the conviction, reject it, or hold a hearing. Adler has told FTW of his intention to subpoena all of the involved attorneys and judges and put them on the stand if a hearing is granted. Adler also intends to call Ted Shackley. Former CIA Director, Admiral Stansfield Turner was also on the list of potential witnesses until he was critically injured in an airplane accident on Jan 15th.

If the hearing takes place David Adler may then have to admonish each witness of their rights against self-incrimination before asking them about their role in the submission of, and their ensuing silence about, the Briggs affidavit.

FTW will be following every development closely. We are in the process of obtaining a copy of the government's response and we will report on that next month. We have secured permission from Wilson and his lawyer for a telephone interview but, as of press time, the Federal Prison at Allenwood, Pennsylvania has not put me on the approved phone list. - We are not holding our breath. FTW has already been denied permission to interview Wilson in person.

If Edwin Wilson's conviction is vacated then a great deal more than just one man will be on trial next. And it is hard to believe that the government, after the mountains of press devoted to Wilson, could let him walk without another trial. It is also not inconceivable that the first conviction could be placed in jeopardy as well. Wilson's last conviction, 25 years for conspiracy to murder Larry Barcella and other prosecutors, remains intact but Wilson has now served 17 years. If two convictions are thrown out then he is at least eligible for a parole hearing. At 71, and with reportedly failing health, there might remain little justification for keeping him locked up in a maximum security prison.
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby semper occultus » Fri Feb 25, 2011 11:59 am

Shayler's key revelation concerned an earlier & less emollient period in UK Libyan relations when we paying Al-Queda to bump him off.
They may have changed strategy when Al-Q were put on the New York job & his off-spring & presumed successors emerged as people with whom business could be done - one was awarded a Phd from the London School of Economics although its not clear who actually did the work...

news.bbc.co.uk

Saturday, 8 August, 1998

The BBC has broadcast an interview with the former MI5 officer David Shayler in which he spoke about an alleged plot by the UK's Secret Intelligence Service to kill Libyan leader Colonel Gaddafi.
The interview with Panorama was recorded before his arrest in France at the request of the UK Government.
In it, he told how a £100,000 payment to an agent "Tunworth" funded a militant plot to murder Gaddafi.

The film was not broadcast until Friday because the government has an injunction designed, it says, to protect national security. The BBC decided to go ahead with the transmission after parts of the script were submitted to government solicitors, who gave authority to proceed.

"We are talking about tens of thousand pounds of tax-payers' money being used to attempt to assassinate a foreign head of state," Mr Shayler said.

He said he was told that authorisation for the plot by the SIS, the UK's overseas spying service, had come from the very top of the Foreign Office.

The revelations, after investigations by BBC journalist Mark Urban, are among the most damaging against the security services for decades and will put further pressure on the government to examine allegations that it has dismissed as "inconceivable".

They could also jeopardise moves to try two Libyan men accused of the Lockerbie airline bombing, which killed nearly 300 people in 1988.

An announcement is imminent over whether, after years of negotiations, Libya will hand over the suspects for trial in a neutral country.

Mr Shayler said he was not worried about the effect his allegations would have on the case because having seen the intelligence reports he said there was no chance of the two being handed over.

But Dr Jim Swire, campaigning for the Lockerbie relatives, said: "It is now over 500 weeks since my daughter was murdered at Lockerbie and this week the head of the Arab League is discussing a neutral country trial under Scottish law with Gaddafi in Tripoli and the last thing we wanted were allegations that British organisations had been trying to kill him."

The full story

Mr Shayler joined MI5 in 1994, as part of the G9 section dealing with Libya.
At a joint meeting on Libya with the SIS he heard of an agent known as Tunworth.
Also at the meeting was PT16B, who controlled Tunworth and detailed Tunworth's collaboration with an extremist group in Libya trying to kill Colonel Gaddafi.
However the CX Report, circulated to officals, GCHQ and the Foreign Office, did not say that Tunworth was actively involved in the plot.
Mr Shayler later learned that as the assassination plot gathered pace, about £100,000 was given to Tunworth.

'Extremists killed'

In February 1996 a bomb was planted under Gaddafi's motorcade, but it exploded under the wrong car.
Several bodyguards were killed and in the ensuing gunbattle three extremists were reportedly killed.
Mr Shayler spoke of his surprise when told of the alleged plot.
He said: "I was absolutely astounded when I heard this was the case. My thinking up to then on the SIS was that they were involved in a sort of Boys' Own comic, and suddenly this was very real."

No political authority

Mr Urban obtained evidence that meetings did take place with PT16B, that Britian had advance knowledge of the attempt on Gaddafi's life and that Tunworth was a go-between with Islamic militant groups in Libya.
However, Foreign Office ministers at the time of the affair said they had not given any authorisation for a murder attempt.
Mr Urban concluded that one answer was that security services had acted without any political authority.
He said that the BBC had obtained other evidence of SIS activities, but these were withheld for security reasons.


Tunworth was...

Anas al-Liby, member of a Libyan al-Qaeda affiliate group called Al-Muqatila, lives in Britain during this time. He had stayed with bin Laden in Sudan. In 1995, he moves to Britain and applies for political asylum, claiming to be a political enemy of the Libyan government.
He is involved in an al-Qaeda plot that will result in the bombing of two US embassies in Africa in 1998.
The British government suspects he is a high-level al-Qaeda operative, and Egypt tells Britain that he is wanted for an assassination attempt of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. In 1996, he is involved in a plot with the British intelligence agency to assassinate Libyan leader Colonel Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi, and presumably his ability to live in Britain is connected to cooperation with that plot. [Observer, 11/10/2002; Times (London), 1/16/2003] After the failed assassination attempt in 1996, the British allegedly continues to support Al-Muqatila—for instance, the group openly publishes a newsletter from a London office.

www.historycommons.org
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby 8bitagent » Sat Feb 26, 2011 4:40 am

Stephen Morgan wrote:Megrahi was in no way responsible for the Lockerbie bombing, he was stitched up by our government an traded by Gaddafi for the removal of sanctions. He was released because he was continuing to appeal and reveal the machinations behind his conviction without a proper trial.


Perhaps you're right, as this new article goes into detail surrounding the setup and coverup
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php? ... &aid=23362
"Do you know who I am? I am the arm, and I sound like this..."-man from another place, twin peaks fire walk with me
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 26, 2011 2:18 pm

There's also this:

http://www.charlescarreon.com/charles-c ... 009/08/27/

DIA AGENT’S BOOK, TRAIL OF THE OCTOPUS – FROM BEIRUT TO LOCKERBIE – INSIDE THE DIA, EXPOSES GADDAFI-CIA LINK, CLAIMS LIBYA HAD NO ROLE IN LOCKERBIE BOMBING



In Trail of the Octopus, Lester K. Coleman, former agent of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) reveals the truth behind the infamous Lockerbie Pan Am 103 bombing. Published for the first time in the United States, the book relates Coleman’s experiences as an Arabic-speaking DIA agent, assisting the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in Cyprus, where the DEA had built cozy relationships with heroin dealers to supply its state-side sting operations with “controlled deliveries” of Lebanese heroin. A Palestinian terror group, paid by Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini to exact revenge for the downing of the Iranian Airbus by the U.S. Vincennes in 1987, infiltrated the DEA’s heroin pipeline and smuggled the bomb aboard Pan Am 103 that exploded over Lockerbie Scotland on December 21, 1988.

Coleman says the CIA was the likely source of the explosives and know-how used to build the bomb. “CIA agent Edwin P. Wilson recruited Gadaffi in 1977, and the CIA shipped Libya over 2000 pounds of explosives,” but “Libya had no role in the bombing,” says Coleman. Rather, “Gadaffi was the perfect scapegoat to cover the misdeeds of the CIA and U.S. drug agents that caused the bomb to be slipped aboard Pan Am 103.”Coleman explained, “Wilson trained many terrorist cells in the Middle East that could have planted the bomb.” Gadaffi’s role as a CIA asset was exposed in 2003, when Texas U.S. District Court Judge Lynn Hughes released Wilson from prison after finding that the CIA’s claim that Wilson was not working for the CIA when he recruited Gadaffi was “nothing but lies.”

Co-authored by Donald S. Goddard, a former New York Times editor, Trail of the Octopus weaves the events of Coleman’s life into the explosive events that stunned the world and made the word “terrorism” a household word.

First published in the United Kingdom in 1993, Trail of the Octopus is now available in its First U.S. Edition on Amazon, including the original text with illustrations, a new Foreword, and an Appendix containing excerpts from judicial opinions rendered in the Pan Am civil lawsuit. An interview of Coleman about the Lockerbie Pan Am 103 bombing is at trailoftheoctopus.net.
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby semper occultus » Sat Feb 26, 2011 3:53 pm

Exposed: Gaddafi Inc.
The Libyan dictator has salted away billions from stolen oil revenues in London, buying prestigious assets and influence among the Establishment. We should be ashamed, says Michael Burleigh.
www.telegraph.co.uk

As his country teeters on the brink, the embattled dictator Colonel Gaddafi is clawing for survival – both political and financial. Whether he is toppled or not, Gaddafi is desperate to preserve his fortune – some estimate it to be as much as £60 billion – which has been squirrelled away in safe havens across the globe. Yesterday, we learnt that the Treasury has set up a specialised unit to trace Gaddafi’s assets in Britain.

So should we be surprised to learn that much of his wealth has been salted away here? As we shall see, the warm embrace of the Gaddafis into our society – particularly Saif, the dictator’s second son – may have offered financial gain, but it has also brought shame to our shores. Only now can we see the damage done by those who rehabilitated the Gaddafis on the international stage.

This was painfully revealed when Saif, a supposed friend of the West, spoke on Libyan television this week. Saif took the awkward manner of an international plutocrat, forced only by circumstances out of his usual exalted milieu of Blairs, Deripaskas, Mandelsons and Rothschilds, to address Libya’s “little people”.

The “little people” are the protesters in Benghazi, an area now largely freed from government forces. This region in the east of the country has long been treated as Tripoli’s poor relation – mainly because King Idris’s regime was strong here before Gaddafi’s 1969 coup. How demeaning it must have been for Saif to even talk to such a poor, insignificant rabble. He and his sibling Muatassim are so accustomed to the high life that they have paid $1 million a pop to hear Mariah Carey, Beyoncé and Usher sing at their birthday parties. Perhaps Mariah sang Can’t Let Go or Can’t Take That Away From Me – those lyrics of hers seem curiously apt today.

It became clear to me from his 45‑minute monologue that Saif, friend of the Duke of York, was just another dictator in a flashy suit. Whatever plutocrat’s polish he had acquired along with his MSc and PhD at the London School of Economics was rapidly shed. Jabbing his forefinger, Saif warned that the besieged Gaddafis would “fight to the last bullet”.

Much of Libya’s wealth, generated by crude oil and gas, has apparently been looted by Gaddafi and his regime. His sons vie between them for such rich pickings as the franchise to sell Coca‑Cola in Libya.

As well as Saif, the LSE seminarian and habitué of London casinos and nightclubs, other Gaddafi brothers include Hannibal, whose model wife Aline’s face has had several nasty encounters with doors and furnishings in swanky hotels in Geneva and London.

Aline’s not the only one to have come a cropper. When Hannibal was accused of assaulting two maids in a Swiss hotel, and subsequently arrested, Gaddafi retaliated by arresting Swiss nationals in Libya (one poor chap found himself in solitary confinement for more than 50 days) and even suspended oil deliveries to Switzerland, as well as withdrawing money and assets worth nearly £4 billion from Swiss banks. Similar “heat” was applied to Blair’s government over the release of Lockerbie bomber Abdulbaset al-Megrahi, together with intercession by former MI6 personalities such as Mark Allen, who had moved on to well‑rewarded positions at BP.

What’s clear is that just as controversy and violence follows the Gaddafi clan, so does the stench of filthy lucre.

The main vehicle for the Gaddafi’s wealth is the $70 billion Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), a “sovereign wealth fund” set up in 2006 to spend the country’s oil money. Let’s call it Gaddafi Inc. In Britain, its assets include 3 per cent of the publishing giant Pearson, which owns the Financial Times and Penguin Books; and several prestigious office blocks, including 14 Cornhill, opposite the Bank of England, and Portman House, home to several major stores in Oxford Street.

The LIA’s huge investment in Britain happily coincided with the meeting of minds between our leaders and the Libyans over the release of the Lockerbie bomber. Likewise, British investment in Libya has soared in recent years, with some 150 of our companies – from BP to Next – establishing a lucrative foothold there. Extraordinarily, Saif told a British newspaper last year that his “good friend” Tony Blair had become an adviser to the LIA – an allegation the former PM denies.

And it’s not just business. The Gaddafis had ingratiated themselves into the upper echelons of British society, handily aided by Saif’s charm and the sage-like status apparently conferred by his LSE doctorate. It is reported that Saif was even hosted at Buckingham Palace and Windsor Castle by the Duke of York. To go with this highfalutin, upper-class lifestyle, Saif also purchased a £10 million mansion in Hampstead – complete with suede-lined cinema room and swimming pool. Land Registry documents reveal that he used a British Virgin Islands-registered company, Capitana Seas, to make the purchase.

So successful was his adoption of British ways that he was lauded at the LSE by Professor David Held in a speech. It described his former student as: “Someone who looks to democracy, civil society and deep liberal values for the core of his inspiration.”

Now keen to prove that it is not as amorally venal as many suspect, the LSE has announced it will not take more of the £1.5 million pledged by Saif than the £300,000 it has already spent on its weighty purposes. It is worth noting that Mark Allen, who is credited with bringing Gaddafi senior in from the cold, and Tony Blair’s former chief of staff Jonathan Powell are present on the board of the LSE’s IDEAS cost centre, while its director, Sir Howard Davies, is a quondam adviser to the LIA. Tony Blair is a highly paid consultant to J P Morgan, the US investment bank that handles the LIA’s liquid funds. Small world, isn’t it?

Swinging London is but one hub of Gaddafi Inc – a useful networking site where the Rothschilds were able to point Saif Gaddafi to investment opportunities in marina complexes in Montenegro. It’s known that Saif had a desire to replicate a Dubai-style tax- and visa-free enterprise zone north of Tripoli, as well as developing luxury resorts near the spectacular Roman ruins of coastal Libya. Funds for the latter emanate from Magna Holdings, a Bermuda-based company chaired by Charles Powell – yes, you guessed it, that’s the brother of Jonathan Powell – and the firm responsible for Gaddafi Tower, a 50‑storey development in Tripoli.

Ties between Libya and its former colonial master, Italy, are also dense. A quarter of Libya’s oil and 15 per cent of its natural gas goes to Italy, in the last case via the Green Stream pipeline. Gaddafi Inc owns significant shares in Italy’s ENI oil corporation, Fiat and Finmeccanica, the Italian aerospace and defence conglomerate. Its 7.5 per cent holdings in the football team Juventus and the Unicredit bank are more controversial, exercising the Northern League coalition partners more than Prime Minister Berlusconi. This may not be unrelated to the fact that both he and the Libyans are heavily invested in a Paris-based film company, Quinta Communications, which makes Arabic language thrillers.

Yes, as in Britain, the Italian political class has not been fastidious in its Libyan dealings. This may be why Italy’s response to the crisis has been mixed, echoing Gaddafi’s warnings of a series of al-Qaeda emirates, or of a tidal wave of African migrants, if the Libyan lion ceases to roar at Europe’s southern gates.

And, as one would expect of the self-styled “King of Kings”, Gaddafi Inc has major investments in sub-Saharan Africa. The ex-footballer Sa’adi Gaddafi, the third son of the dictator, took charge of all the family’s investments in Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, where the Libyans were keen on developing agriculture and tourism. Much Libyan money has also been disbursed in Chad, Sudan, Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Various things may happen in Libya, where the army lacks the unity and prestige of its Egyptian analogue, and tribal allegiances are potent. As generals, ministers, diplomats and brave fighter pilots defect, the regime will be reduced to the hardcore of Gaddafi and his sons. Threats to destabilise the flow of oil to Europe are not as effective as they might be since the Saudis, who hate Gaddafi’s guts, can increase production.

There are more local lessons for us in this story. It was predictable that revolutionary Left regimes – Castro, Chavez and Noriega – would defend Gaddafi, even as his jets reportedly strafed “his” own people.

But Britain’s gossip columns and glossy magazines also indulge a deracinated group of international plutocrats whose greed is aroused by the oil and gas revenues Gaddafi Inc has systematically embezzled. Rather than mouthing empty platitudes about orderly transition to democracy, in a country where civil society has been suffocated by a police state, our government should confiscate all the Gaddafis’ assets, so as to return them to the Libyan people. After all, in all its disgusting dealings with Libya, Britain knows that money talks.

Mariah Carey might be excused – but London’s high society and academic circles might be more fastidious too about consorting with such a grotesque as this ghastly murderous man.

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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 26, 2011 7:40 pm

Qaddafi, Bush and the Iraq Big Lie
Friday 25 February 2011
by: Russ Baker | WhoWhatWhy.com




While the US government expresses outrage over the brutality of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi toward his own people, we’re missing a complex but significant wrinkle that ties Qaddafi to America’s cover-up of the true path to war in Iraq.

In May, 2009, a man named Ibn Shaikh al-Libi supposedly committed suicide while being held in a Libyan jail. Al-Libi is a deeply, deeply interesting fellow. Back in 2002, he was tortured by Egypt under US direction. It appears that the reason the US government had him tortured was not to stop some imminent attack on the United States, but to generate alleged—and false— links between Al-Qaeda and Saddam Hussein that could justify invading Iraq.

Al-Libi was captured and sent to Egypt, where under severe torture including waterboarding, he related what turned out to be false information about purported Saddam-9/11 links. Al-Libi later explained that he provided that material because that’s what his captors wanted to hear, and it ended his torture.

Nick Baumann wrote about it in 2009 in Mother Jones:

Al-Libi was the man whose false confession, obtained under torture, of a link between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda provided the Bush administration with its casus belli for war with Iraq. It didn’t seem to matter that al-Libi’s claim that Bin Laden had sent operatives to be trained in the use of weapons of mass destruction by Hussein’s people didn’t make any sense. “They were killing me,” al-Libi later told the FBI about his torturers. “I had to tell them something.” A bipartisan Senate Intelligence committee report would later conclude that al-Libi lied about the link “to avoid torture.


More on this at The Washington Note, where former Colin Powell aide Lawrence Wilkerson weighed in.

Given the enormity of what al-Libi’s revelations represent, then his continued presence and ability to witness the true background to the Iraq invasion made him a grave threat to the Bush-Cheney administration and the potential vulnerability of its leading lights to war crimes prosecution.

Thus, the fact that he suddenly “killed himself” while being held by Qaddafi’s police state at least raises the question of whether Qaddafi was doing a favor for the US. Of course, by 2009, when al-Libi suddenly died, Obama had become president—but it’s safe to say that deep, covert cleanup operations don’t end with an inauguration.

With the world delighting in the abdication of the dictator Mubarak in Egypt and now the Libyan Qaddafi’s potential demise, the least we can do is examine the threads back to our own country. If we do not pay attention to these things, we are all culpable.
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby semper occultus » Wed Mar 02, 2011 12:39 pm

London School of Useful Idiots: How a cadre of Blair cronies, ex-MI5 chiefs and top dons at a top university supported Gaddafi for his millions
By Geoffrey Levy
Last updated at 10:46 AM on 2nd March 2011

www.dailymail.co.uk

The trouble with Fred Halliday was that he drank too much. He repeatedly warned colleagues at the London School of Economics, where he was professor of international relations, that taking money from Libya would come back to haunt them.
Fred spoke ten languages including several from the Middle East. He could see that the university where he had taught for 15 years was dealing with the Devil and risking its precious international reputation. He didn’t even want Saif Gaddafi to be a student there.
They didn’t listen to him. Not just because he drank, of course, but because they were greedy for Libyan money, a donation of a whopping £1.5million that Saif, now 38, made to the LSE a year after they had given him a PhD.

Image

Fred died of cancer a year ago, so he didn’t live to see the shocking fruition of his predictions; the puce-faced embarrassment of his old university as people who have been sucking up to the oil-rich Colonel Gaddafi and his son Saif now scramble to cut their links with the murderous and sinking dictator.
And how intriguing — though not really surprising — that so many roads seemed to lead back to the LSE and, of course, to Tony Blair, whose wife, let’s not forget, attended the world-class institution.

There was Baroness Symons, who used to be a Foreign Office minister (and whose husband Philip Bassett was a special adviser in Downing Street to Blair), this week stepping down from Libya’s National Economic Development Board — and this just 24 hours after she had appeared to praise Gaddafi’s ‘sound ideology’.
Intriguingly, Lady Symons is on the advisory board of the LSE Ideas centre, which calls on the university’s ‘intellectual resources’ to study international affairs. So is Jonathan Powell, who was Prime Minister Blair’s chief-of-staff.

The advisory board’s chairman is former career diplomat and Washington ambassador Sir David Manning, who was with Blair when President Bush told the Prime Minister that he intended to invade Iraq. The companies for whom Sir David now works include British Gas and weapons manufacturer Lockheed Martin.

Yet a fourth on this important LSE board is Sir Mark Allen, a major figure in the Libyan saga and in the release of ‘dying’ Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi. He is currently in the Middle East on business. It was while Sir Mark was running MI6’s Middle East desk that he advised Blair that Colonel Gaddafi could be brought in from the cold. And off went the Messianic Blair on his ‘historic’ mission.

After he left the Foreign Office in 2004, Sir Mark was given permission by the Cabinet Office and Blair to work as a special adviser to Lord Browne, then head of BP, which has huge oil interests in Libya.
In the weeks leading to the release of al-Megrahi in August 2009, Sir Mark telephoned the then Justice Secretary Jack Straw twice, apparently because the issue was holding up a £15billion oil exploration deal with Libya, which was later signed by BP.


Sir Mark’s relationship with Libya came not so much through his old job, as through his closeness to Gaddafi’s son Saif, who has a now-notorious PhD from, yes, the LSE. He is a senior adviser to the Monitor Group, a global consultancy and private equity firm. So is Sir Richard Dearlove, his boss at MI6.
The Boston-based Monitor Group is an influential organisation which advises governments as well as major corporations on international issues.
Yet it carried out an intriguing task for the student Gaddafi. When Saif arrived at the LSE in September 2002 to do his doctorate (The Role of Civil Society in the Democratisation of Global Governance Institutions: From ‘Soft Power’ to Collective Decision-Making), he needed interviews with powerful people on which to base his thesis.
No fewer than 40 such interviews were carried out on his behalf by the Monitor Group. His resulting thesis, and the PhD which the LSE awarded him, was based on these interviews, none of which he did himself.
In addition, a row has erupted over Gaddafi Jnr’s apparent plagiarism of whole sections of other people’s work for his thesis. This brings another Blair crony into the unsavoury episode, economist Lord Desai, the academic who interviewed him about the thesis and who insists he found everything satisfactory.
Six years earlier, when Saif had arrived at the LSE he was welcomed by its then director Anthony (now Lord) Giddens — Blair’s favourite New Labour philosophical guru. As well as dreaming up the ‘Third Way’, he also advocated, in a Reith lecture, ‘casual coupling’ sex without responsibility on the grounds that in a high-divorce society, there is ‘an implicit understanding that family relationships are impermanent’.
In 2007, a year before Saif completed his heroic PhD, Giddens visited Gaddafi Senior to talk to him about democracy. Afterwards he wrote an article for The Guardian, confidently predicting that Gaddafi would lead the way to political reform. ‘As one-party states go, Libya is not especially repressive. Gaddafi seems genuinely popular,’ he wrote. This despite the thousands known to have been killed by Gaddafi’s henchmen.

Saif hadn’t yet been cavorting with Peter Mandelson or Nat Rothschild on billionaire Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska’s yacht at that time — all this was to follow. But it was obvious to everyone that the oil-rich dictator’s son was the heir apparent.
Some see the LSE’s Professor David Held as among the biggest fools, if you like, in this unsavoury saga. For four years, as Saif did his thesis, the international politics specialist was his adviser. He was also put on the board of the LSE’s North African research programme, a charity set up and funded by Saif Gaddafi. Professor Held introduced Saif to the audience when the dictator’s son — astonishingly, you may think — delivered the Ralph Miliband Memorial lecture, an annual occasion dedicated to Labour leader Ed Miliband’s Communist father who taught at the LSE and remains one of its most revered figures.
‘I’ve come to know Saif as someone who looks to democracy, civil society and deep liberal values as the core of his inspiration,’ boomed Professor Held. ‘I look forward to how he will apply these.’ Hmm...

The ‘wise’ professor has since admitted he seems to have got Saif wrong. At the LSE, there seems to have been hardly anyone — other than Fred Halliday — who didn’t.
Just the other week, Professor Held and LSE colleagues Dr Alia Brahimi and Dr Kristian Coates Ulrichsen jointly published an article about the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, which completely failed to see an uprising occurring in Libya.
They talked of ‘the failures of corrupt and repressive autocratic regimes’, but found that Libya was less likely to undergo any revolution. ‘In Libya,’ they wrote, ‘more pronounced tribalism has drawn larger circles of people into the regime’s orbit and given them a stake in society.’
Dr Brahimi, 30, who is of Algerian-American background and was educated at Stowe and Oxford, met Saif on a number of occasions and believed she had got to know and understand him.
Perhaps not surprisingly, it was the glamorous Dr Brahimi whom the university authorities chose to fly to Crete for a meeting with Saif in order to obtain his ‘objectives and expectations’ on how his £1.5million donation should be spent. They also met in London, most recently just before Christmas.
‘I’ve got nothing to apologise for,’ she said last night. ‘Saif told me he was keen that democratic reform should happen soon in Libya.
‘He was saying: “Let’s have civil society workshops all through Ramadan.” He couldn’t have been more in favour of liberal reforms.’
She admits now that she and her colleagues were ‘fooled’.
‘Useful idiots’ was how mass murderer Stalin dubbed left-wing academics who enthusiastically endorsed Communism.
Fred Halliday wouldn’t have been among their number.
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Re: UK and US: The State Sponsors of Libya's Violence

Postby 8bitagent » Wed Mar 02, 2011 5:00 pm

Yesterday on MSNBC I caught a brief interview with Newsweeks Isakoff where he points out how top Blair cabinet and ministry officials did all they could to work hand in glove, arm, do major oil trade and deflect Libya's human rights records...and then how these same officials were rewarded with big positions at Bechtel and BP when they left the UK government. He also mentioned how Obama's administration made sure to circulate the internal view of how Ghadhafi's human rights record should be quieted and kept a non issue for US-Libyan deals.
"Do you know who I am? I am the arm, and I sound like this..."-man from another place, twin peaks fire walk with me
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