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Wombaticus Rex wrote:I live in rural Vermont where most homes only get CBS, so you will forgive my flat denial of your claim that nobody would watch it: it's always on in most households. My own experience directly contradicts your hypothetical, is all.
Edit: ...also, speaking on non-hypotheticals, wasn't there an extended period in UK media history where the BBC was quite literally the only channel?
JIMMY SAVILE was so close to Prince Charles that he advised him on the appointment of one of his most senior aides, The Sunday Times has learnt.
In an indication of the power and privilege extended to Savile by the royal family, Charles asked the DJ and television presenter for advice before selecting Sir Christopher Airy to be his private secretary in 1990.
Savile and Charles met Airy, a former major-general, before he was offered the post, according to an informed source.
The revelation shows the close friendship between the heir to the throne and the television presenter, who the prince grew to rely on in the late 1980s and early 1990s
Meanwhile, a woman has come forward to claim she was Savile's youngest victim – saying she was just eight when the sex predator abused her.
The alleged victim, who is set to sue the late DJ's £4.3million estate, says the pervert molested her as she lay helpless as a patient at Stoke Mandeville Hospital, in Buckinghamshire, while she was recovering after an operation in 1986.
jlaw172364 wrote:The real issue: a small oligarchy ordering everyone else's lives for their own selfish interests, and then gaslighting everyone else into thinking that they themselves are to blame, when they are real just the products of a massive near-inescapable onslaught of addictive programming.
This article, while informative, engaged in that gaslighting process.
The Waterhouse Report
By Simon Regan
20 February 2000
The fact that the Waterhouse report went as far as it did is highly commendable, and obviously long overdue. But the trouble with any investigation which tries to break through a 'cult of silence' is the lingering doubts that it will ever get down to the whole full truth of the matter. Waterhouse is probably merely the tip of the iceberg.
The report suggests there is 'no evidence' that Freemasonry had anything to do with the scandal. Yet there were two inadequate and inconclusive police inquiries, including one into a senior officer, by a force in North Wales riddled with freemasons.
There was a consistent lack of initiative on the part of the local Clwyd CC in the face of overwhelming evidence of consistent child abuse at Bryn Estyn, ostensibly because the council insurers advised against any action. This in itself insults democracy in a way that borders on the criminal. By a policy of non-action, both the police and the council became embroiled in a blatant cover-up.
Anyone who has even vaguely become acquainted with paedophilia knows very well that they will go to the ends of the earth to keep their activities absolutely secret. They are professional experts in covering their tracks.
In the early nineties, in the now defunct Scallywag magazine, which I founded, we interviewed in some depth twelve former inmates at Bryn Estyn who had all been involved in the Wrexham paedophile ring, which the tribunal acknowledges existed. Most of these interviews were extremely harrowing and disturbing, but were gently and sensitively conducted over pub lunches where the victim could relax. We subsequently persuaded ten of them to make sworn affidavits which we proposed to use as back up to half a dozen paedophile stories we later published.
Two of these young men, who had been 14-years-old at the time, swore they had been not only introduced to the paedophile ring operating in the Crest Hotel in Wrexham but had later been escorted on three or four occasions to an address in Pimlico where they were further abused.
We took them separately to Pimlico and asked them to point out the building where this had taken place. They were both positive in their identification. It turned out to be the private flat of a well known, and since highly discredited lobbyist who later went into obscurity in some disgrace because of his involvement with Mohammed al-Fayed and the 'cash for questions' scandal. At the time we ran a story entitled 'Boys for Questions' and named several prominent members of the then Thatcher government. These allegations went to the very top of the Tory party, yet there was a curious and almost ominous lack of writs.
The lobbyist was a notorious 'queen' who specialised in gay parties with a 'political mix' in the Pimlico area - most convenient to the Commons - and which included selected flats in Dolphin Square. The two young men were able to give us very graphic descriptions of just what went on, including acts of buggery, and alleged that they were only two of many from children's homes other than North Wales.
There was, to my certain knowledge, at least one resignation from the Conservative office in Smith Square once we had published our evidence and named names.
Subsequently, over a rent dispute which is still a matter of litigation, Dr. Julian Lewis, now Conservative MP for New Forest (East) but then deputy head of research at Conservative Central Office in Smith Square, managed to purchase the contents of our offices, which included all our files. It had been alleged that we owed rent, which we disputed, but under a court order the landlords were able to change the locks and seize our assets which included all our files, including those we had made on paedophiles. It was apparently quite legal, but it was most certainly a dirty trick.
All of a sudden very private information, some of it even privileged between ourselves and our lawyer during the John Major libel action, was being published in selected, pro-Conservative sections of the media.
Subsequently, during a court case initiated by Lewis, I was able in my defence to seek discovery of documents and asked to see the seized files. The paedophile papers were missing. This is a very great shame, because Sir Ronald Waterhouse certainly should have been aware of them.
I believe that the secrecy the Establishment wraps around itself easily equals that of the paedophiles. They really do look after each other and quite professionally cover their tracks.
The real trouble about exposing paedophiles is that former victims of child abuse make lousy witnesses. By the very nature of the abuse, when they are rudely shoved out into the wide world (one of the witnesses, Stephen Messham, for example, was released on his sixteenth birthday on Christmas day after two years of abuse, and had to sleep rough on the streets for four and a half months), they are often deeply psychologically disturbed.
Some of the extreme cases commit suicide, many more were sexually disorientated in the worst possible way. Some became gay prostitutes, others drug addicts, and in nearly every case, at some stage, they needed lengthy counselling. Marriages quickly disintegrated in psychological turmoil and a lot of former victims had real difficulties raising their own children. There are very few victims of child abuse who come out of it without deep scars.
It was all very well for us to take statements from former victims in the cosy atmosphere of a pub lunch, but put them up against an agile and eminent QC whose sole task is to discredit them, and they quickly crumble, even break down in tears. Many former victims now have criminal records of some kind, owing almost exclusively to the abuse itself, and the barrister will brutally exploit this as evidence that the witness is unreliable and tainted. Faced with the choice of a clearly neurotic young man who quickly falls down in the witness box, and a smooth, experienced, erudite and often highly respected culprit, juries tend to give the accused the benefit of the doubt.
I watched it in the now famous Court 13 at the High Court during the libel action between former Supt. Gordon Anglesey and Private Eye (and others) when, despite the fact that under cross examination, Anglesey had to admit that his evidence did not correspond with his own notebooks, the 'other side' subsequently tore the five main prosecution witnesses to pieces in a monumental act of judicial harassment. Like the whole story of child abuse in North Wales and elsewhere, it broke my heart.
Simon Regan (deceased) was editor of Scallywag Magazine
They were both positive in their identification. It turned out to be the private flat of a well known, and since highly discredited lobbyist who later went into obscurity in some disgrace because of his involvement with Mohammed al-Fayed and the 'cash for questions' scandal. At the time we ran a story entitled 'Boys for Questions' and named several prominent members of the then Thatcher government. These allegations went to the very top of the Tory party, yet there was a curious and almost ominous lack of writs.
The lobbyist was a notorious 'queen' who specialised in gay parties with a 'political mix' in the Pimlico area - most convenient to the Commons - and which included selected flats in Dolphin Square.
Greer's cultivation of MPs, who in due course became ministers, had an exponential effect. If businessmen could see how senior his links were within the Conservative Party, they were more than likely to sign up themselves. As for the politicians, they were susceptible to peer influence in the heady days of Thatcherism which encouraged conspicuous consumption. As one lobbyist put it: "A lot of MPs will be checking their diaries to see how many times they were entertained."
What marked Mr Greer out most was his cash. "Most of the companies were making filthy amounts of money in the 1980s," said one lobbying source. "Fees were just extraordinary - pounds 10,000 a month for a parliamentary monitoring service which basically required one person to cut up bits of Hansard." Ian Greer Associates was privately owned and could therefore plough back its large profits into the business. There were no big other shareholders to answer to.
That politicians and their aides like to be taken to lunch is hardly new or exceptional. Mr Greer, however, went further. His parties were the most lavish and talked about. Jealous rumours circulated about a Greer Christmas gift list. We now know that this was the tip of the iceberg. Hampers from Harrods, furniture from Peter Jones and other goodies changed hands as did used notes in brown envelopes. Introduction fees for new business were claimed. Those who took them, according to one source, included Sir Peter Morrison, then an oil minister. In the high tide of the free- market years of Thatcherism there seemed to be precious few constraints.
Staff were worked hard by Mr Greer, a bachelor workaholic who insists on early starts and bleeps employees late at night. The atmosphere inside the Westminster office (above which Mr Greer has a flat) was, according to one source who visited, highly individualistic. Employees were seated at identical desks, each with leather blotters and gold-coloured pen stands and male staff were encouraged to wear Hermes ties. The overall effect was "camp Dickensian".
But the pay was good and those who returned the boss's loyalty were treated well. Even among former members of staff, few are willing to speak out against him.
seemslikeadream wrote:Frank Bruno On ‘This Is Your Life’ – nightmare retrospective
With its new subtext, in light of all the current allegations, the arrests and the suspected depths this investigation may sink to, This Is Your Life becomes a portal into a completely different reality. If you start to analyse a couple of moments, you immediately want to stop. It becomes so grotesque it makes you wince, whether any internal speculations you entertain are justified or not. So that you don’t have to go through that process, here are some details, prised from within the Icke-zone and reinterpreted in plain English.
Col. Quisp wrote: I don't recommend reading the entire blog posts cited. They are either silly or sickening. I just pulled out the references to the Wests. There was speculation that he had been involved in some satanic ritual killings of children in a barn in Gloucester...
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