Idle No More

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Re: Idle No More

Postby Handsome B. Wonderful » Thu Dec 27, 2012 9:02 pm

http://www.informationclearinghouse.inf ... e33457.htm

Justice at Stake: Chief Theresa Spence Passes Day 15 of Hunger Strike

By Am Johal

December 27, 2012 "Information Clearing House" - Launched in the shadows of Parliament Hill two weeks ago, the hunger strike by Attawapiskat First Nation Chief Theresa Spence goes on. There is little to be heard from the federal government or Prime Minister Stephen Harper, but a cowardly silence.

Chief Spence said she is willing to die in an attempt to get the federal government and aboriginal leaders to discuss the treaty process and make fundamental changes.

Spence’s protest was ignited by the recent passage of the government’s second omnibus budget bill and has the support of "Idle No More." Through flash mobs and round dances in shopping centres around the country, they have shown their ability to disrupt, to make noise, celebrate and engage thousands of people across the country.

According to French philosopher Alain Badiou, only from outside the traditional political frame, outside the logic of the state, can a true political sequence begin. Only through the opening of such an event can we begin to see a new possibility that was not there before. This rupture that has been opened up has the profoundest of implications precisely because of its affirmative demands. A true negation of the present political order needs to begin with an affirmative logic if it is to bypass the crisis of negativity that regularly befalls social movements. That is why the political sequence that has been initiated by Chief Spence and Idle No More is threatening to the Stephen Harper government and could fundamentally reshape the political landscape in a meaningful way.

By this point in the hunger strike, it becomes difficult to concentrate. Muscle mass is weakened and emaciation starts to set in. A critical accumulation of toxic components from the metabolism process build up and can lead to death from liver and kidney damage and brain toxins if the strike continues for a few more weeks. Unlike Occupy, Idle No More and Chief Spence have demands. She has become a national symbol and has bravely highlighted the gross public policy extremes of the Harper government and has deservedly shamed them nationally and internationally.

If Occupy meant anything at all, people from that movement should be supporting the indigenous community. While there has been some support from the labour movement, environmental movement and the student movement, it has not yet been loud enough. There is so much at stake here, that the non-indigenous community must speak louder and support the demands of Chief Spence and Idle No More.

This movement, like Occupy, is decentralized, is multi-site and has the commitment for duration that is necessary to make a political opening real and substantive. Furthermore, If there’s going to be an environmental justice movement in this country that’s going to mean anything at all and have any kind of legitimate moral position, it needs to be led by the original inhabitants of this land, the people most closely connected to the land. Aboriginal people have been largely tokenized in the environmental movement and that needs to change. What has just been unleashed is not just about a political moment, but is in fact a message that has over 500 years of indigenous resistance to colonialism at its core. At its heart is a universal claim for justice and a radically open message for support and solidarity from non-indigenous Canadians and from supporters around the world. This movement, more than many that have come before it, has the opportunity to radically shift the relationship between First Nations and government -- it also has the opportunity to re-educate a complacent and passive Canadian public that has all too frequently closed its eyes to the injustices faced by the aboriginal communities around them and have too often sought the false safety of a polite, made-in-Canada, armchair amnesia.

It could become a generational moment that authentically opens up a new political space. But what's holding this movement back is that the non-indigenous Canadian public is not engaged in the way that they should be, given what's at stake. Aboriginals have the country’s lowest life expectancy, the highest child mortality, and highest proportion of children not graduating from grade eight or high school. Suicide rates are five to seven times higher for First Nations youth than for non-Aboriginal youth. Suicide rates among Inuit youth are among the highest in the world, at 11 times the national average.

Back in 2006, when the Harper government opposed the ratification of the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Chief Stewart Phillip, Grand Chief of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs, said in an interview, "The [Stephen] Harper government has eroded the relationship between First Nations and the federal government. This government is opposed to doing anything associated with collective rights and has favoured individual rights. There has been no consultation with Canada's aboriginal community."

At the time of the United Nations vote in November 2006, the Indigenous Peoples' Caucus released a statement which read in part, "It is clear that these actions are a politicisation of human rights that show complete disregard for the ongoing human rights abuses suffered by Indigenous Peoples. This betrayal and injustice severely impacts 370 million Indigenous Peoples in all regions of the world, who are among the most marginalised and vulnerable..." According to the Assembly of First Nations, there is a backlog of 800-1,000 unresolved claims within Canada's own federal specific claims process. Estimates of the total value of these unresolved claims range from $2.6 billion dollars to $6 billion. It takes an average of 13 years to settle a claim under the current system.

Tony Penikett, the author of a book on British Columbia land claims and a former premier of the Yukon, said in 2006:

"One of the problems for Canada in the past was trying to say with a straight face that they supported aboriginal advancement and were standard bearers for other countries. It is more accurate to say that Canada was bad, but was better than others."

"The Harper government has passed a human rights bill based on individual rights as opposed to collective rights. In Canada, we have individual rights, but also collective rights for the francophone minority and aboriginal people."

"The idea of self-government is through one's own tribal government. By moving in the direction of individual rights, the government is inherently chipping away at that. Their refusal is part of that pattern, and I am surprised that no one has effectively made this a political issue at the national level."

'Harper's advisers are interested in privatizing reserve land and attempting to deal with rights on an individual level ... they are essentially promoting an idea that was abandoned in Canada in the early seventies."

The Harper government's approach to aboriginal issues is largely shaped by the ideas of Stephen Harper's mentor, University of Calgary political science professor, Tom Flanagan.

Once again, a fundamental tenet of this government has been to catch its opposition off-guard and come in with an overly ideological policy blitz, full of shock and awe, without consultation of those communities who will be directly affected by policy change. It is the Harper playbook par excellence. Legislation, time and time again, has been brought in under omnibus bills and passed with ruthless efficiency.

Enjoying a fundraising advantage against the other political parties, the Conservatives have launched American-style attack ad campaigns that have effectively decimated their rivals. Once the real effects of these policies are put in to practice, the real anger will begin. The recently passed Navigable Waters Protection Act allows the government the right to approve projects on more than 160 lakes without consulting First Nations. It has effectively gutted the environmental review process.

What Harper has failed to recognize as a politician is that when one wins a majority, one also ought to have the wisdom to govern for all the people rather than just his own, narrow base of supporters. Stephen Harper is playing a dangerous and divisive game that has severe long-term repercussions for the political culture of the country. The lack of civility displayed by this government has no modern precedent in Canada. As such, there will be a loud and long-term response to ring in the New Year.

The genie's out of the bottle. This movement isn't going away. The Harper government's downfall will be remembered as one of its own making.

Chief Spence, we thank you for your brave and important hunger strike. There is justice at stake here and that affects everyone. Our thoughts are with you and we will be with you every step of the way.

This article was originally posted at Rabble
Born we are the same, within the silence, indifference be Thy name
Torn we walk alone, we sleep in silent shades
The grandeur fades, the meaning never known- 'Born' Nevermore
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Handsome B. Wonderful » Fri Jan 04, 2013 1:50 pm

Andrew Bassett • 3 hours ago

I hope she starves herself to death. Sadly, that would probably take years.


TheSotSays Canadian • 2 hours ago

I was trying to find out from Emily how much water there is in a case of Moosehead.


Joe Bekkie • an hour ago

Sorry, I did nothing you tool! Peddle your white guilt elswhere!

Bekkie Joe • an hour ago

Spreading hate for people who did nothing to you is something...

Joe Bekkie • 37 minutes ago

Then I guess we are even! I did nothing to them but provide taxes from my paychecks for 30 years, and they have done nothing to me but complain that I need to donate more. As for spreading hate, go fluck yourself!


Just a small representation of some of the comments people have made regarding the Idle No More movement. This from Macleans.ca. I dare not show what people are saying on the CBC news website. Or maybe I should?
Born we are the same, within the silence, indifference be Thy name
Torn we walk alone, we sleep in silent shades
The grandeur fades, the meaning never known- 'Born' Nevermore
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Luther Blissett » Fri Jan 04, 2013 1:52 pm

It could be good to observe.
The Rich and the Corporate remain in their hundred-year fever visions of Bolsheviks taking their stuff - JackRiddler
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Handsome B. Wonderful » Fri Jan 04, 2013 2:01 pm

From the Globe and Mail website.

Jay Sherman

12:42 PM on January 4, 2013

Harper only needs to say 3 words: "Get a job!"


jesse261

11:12 AM on January 4, 2013

Now will this be good enough for Chief Spence.??
5 replies
Nom-De-Plume

11:21 AM on January 4, 2013

Who cares

Gumpy

11:22 AM on January 4, 2013

Who hell cares what she thinks! Harper is meeting with the legitimate leaders.

Betty Swallocks

11:28 AM on January 4, 2013

Who cares? She got herself into this mess so now she can get herself out. Stupid woman.

Fernandosancheq

11:35 AM on January 4, 2013

"Now will this be good enough for Chief Spence.??"

Haven't you learned from the past that it is never enough....

slivers2

11:53 AM on January 4, 2013

It will depend on whether the P. M. really want to solve any of the problems.
Born we are the same, within the silence, indifference be Thy name
Torn we walk alone, we sleep in silent shades
The grandeur fades, the meaning never known- 'Born' Nevermore
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Re: Idle No More

Postby justdrew » Sat Jan 05, 2013 3:27 am

By 1964 there were 1.5 million mobile phone users in the US
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Jan 07, 2013 3:54 pm

A very very beautiful thing to watch :lovehearts:




Native American Flash Mob Round Dance Takes Over Mall of America

by Jorge Rivas, Wednesday, January 2 2013, 1:44 PM EST

Organizers from Idle No More held a flash mob round dance early Saturday evening at the Mall of America to raise awareness of their movement that calls on all people “to join in a revolution which honors and fulfills Indigenous sovereignty which protects the land and water.”

The flash mob was part of a series of actions to call attention to a recent bill (C45) passed by the Canadian Parliament that Idle No More says rescinds environmental protections across Canada, including the land base of First Nations.

“More than a thousand Native American people filled the eastern rotunda at the Mall of America, dancing in a circle as the sound of drums filled the area,” Sheila Regan reported for the Twin Cities Daily Planet.

The flash mob round dance was also organized in support of Attawapiskat First Nation Chief Theresa Spence who’s currently on a hunger strike.

Her hunger strike stretched into Day 23 on Wednesday, with Spence vowing to survive on nothing more than fish broth and herbal tea until the Canadian Prime Minister meets with her and other Indigenous leaders.

In attendance at the Mall of America flash dance was the founder and international director of the American Indian Movement (AIM), Clyde Bellecourt.

“We have to look out for our own - what happens in Canada happens here and what happens here happens in Canada,” Bellecourt told the local CBS affiliate.

Canadian tribes have shut down two highways and closed a railroad going through a reservation in order to bring attention to Harper’s policies, according to CBS News.

You can watch Chief Spence’s latest press update on December 30th below.




Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Jan 18, 2013 1:59 am

Published on Wednesday, January 16, 2013 by Common Dreams
Champions of 'Idle No More' Stage Blockades Across Canada
Demonstrators and spin-off protests undeterred by mild divisions within fast-growing movement
- Lauren McCauley, staff writer
Though not officially sanctioned by the Idle No More campaign, First Nations chiefs and activists have picked up the momentum and are rallying across Canada Wednesday as part of a national day of action in solidarity with the ongoing environmental and indigenous rights campaign.

Image

A protestor holds a flag aloft and an Idle No More spinoff protest in Cayuga, Ontario on Jan. 16. (Photo via @CBCHamilton)
Chiefs unsatisfied with Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s slow response to First Nations demands have declared the day to assert their rights and hopefully hasten official recognition and legislative action.

Demonstrations, round dances and rallies occurred across Canada while roadblocks of local railway lines and a large demonstration at North America's busiest border crossing have also been confirmed.

"We're sending the message very clearly with the railway blockade that [there's] going to be no more stolen property being sold until such time that they come to the table and deal with the original owners," said Terry Nelson, a former chief of the Roseau River First Nation in southern Manitoba.

APTN National News reported Wednesday: "Rail blockaders in Manitoba. CN confirms regional traffic has been shut down."

anon2world@anon2world
Rail blockaders in Manitoba. CN confirms regional traffic has been shut down. fb.me/21aVHcafB #IdleNoMore #YAN
16 Jan 13 ReplyRetweetFavorite
Also, the Global News announced earlier:
Posts on social media Wednesday morning called on supporters to meet at the Red Sun Smoke Shop and Gas Bar just northwest of Winnipeg to join a convoy headed to the intersection of the Trans-Canada and the Yellowhead highways near Portage la Prairie. A blockade of a railway near the intersection is planned.
Occupy Carlisle (@occupycarlisle) tweeted: "Via Rail says blockade between Belleville, Ont. and Kingston, Ont. has forced company to stop trains #IdleNoMore"

Another large grassroots group led an "economic slowdown," targeting the Ambassador Bridge between Windsor, Ont. and Detroit, Mich.

Organizer Lorena Garvey-Shepley was clear to point out the action was "not a blockade," adding, "we don’t want to inconvenience people too much. But we want to be in places that are going to get us noticed and allow us to get our information out."

CTV National News@CTVNationalNews
MT @jvrCTV: #IdleNoMore protest blocking US bound traffic at Windsor-Detroit crossing. May be moving off road now pic.twitter.com/kj8ETJuR

16 Jan 13 ReplyRetweetFavorite
Organizers held a "peaceful walk" towards the bridge concluding with a rally at the base on the Canadian side.

Organizers reiterated that today's actions are expected to be peaceful though protesters are prepared to get arrested.

Chief Allan Adam of the Athabaska Chipewyan First Nation said that if the indigenous movement's demands are not recognized soon, more dramatic actions, including roadblocks, can be expected.

"The people are upset with the current state of affairs in this country and things are escalating towards more direct action," he said.

Across Canada, protestors marched the streets—often blocking traffic—banging drums and carrying banners blatantly displaying "Idle No More."

Heather N. Wright@HeatherNWright1
#idlenomore protest in Sarnia by Aamjiwnanng - about 100 including kids from local daycare asking for clean air pic.twitter.com/Xk9w8epx

16 Jan 13 ReplyRetweetFavorite
Tess van Straaten@tessvanstraaten
BREAKING #IdleNoMore protesters shut down one of Island's busiest highways #yyj @UBCIC @CHEK_News yfrog.com/hstv0bqj
16 Jan 13 ReplyRetweetFavorite
More pictures from today's actions can be seen here.

CBC News has listed a partial overview of the solidarity actions planned for Wednesday.

_____________________

Though inspired by the Idle No More movement, Wednesday's actions—particularly the bridge and street blockades—highlighted protest tactics not condoned by the campaign's founders, marking potential divisions as the movement grows beyond itself.

“If you have an impromptu blockade that doesn’t follow the legal permits, then you’re irritating the public and that’s not the purpose behind Idle No More,” said Sylvia McAdam, one of the movement’s four originators. “A lot of our children and elders are involved in the [Idle No More] activities, so their safety is our priority.”

The movement leaders are instead focusing on a Jan. 28 Idle No More International Call-to-Action during which they will protest at Ottawa's Parliament Hill as "MPs return to the legislature after their winter break."

In a recent interview, McAdam specified that, despite heavy media attention given to co-founder Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence's recent hunger strike, Idle No More has no one leader, saying:

The grassroots movement of Idle No More is the face of all grassroots people...The founders might be considered guides or maintaining the vision, but Idle No More has no leader or official spokesperson.
A recent press release on the Official Idle No More website echoed this sentiment:

This movement has been guided by Spiritual Elders, dreams, visions, and from peoples’ core values. We are here to ensure the land, the waters, the air, and the creatures and indeed each of us, return to balance and discontinue harming each other and the earth.
January 11th's official Day of Action and meeting between First Nation leaders and Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper exposed a rift in leadership when Idle No More leaders, namely Chief Spence, rejected the meeting on the basis it did not meet their demands while a number of other Chiefs partook despite the protest.

A poll on the official Idle No More website asks "Do you think the media is playing up the perceived divisions within IDM?"

The poll will run for a month, but thus far readers have responded 56 percent voted 'Yes, we are stronger than ever!', 14 percent responded 'I'm not sure' while 30 percent said 'No, there are divisions and the media is playing it just right.'


Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Jan 25, 2013 4:43 pm

Published on Friday, January 25, 2013 by Common Dreams
Unified First Nation Leaders Vow to 'Seize the Moment' in Fight for Rights
Canadian government agrees to recognize indigenous rights, ending chief's 43-day hunger strike
- Lauren McCauley, staff writer
First Nations leaders vowed Thursday to keep up the pressure on the federal government as they declared that the grassroots indigenous-rights Idle No More campaign was both unified and hear to stay.


Alex Rogers wears a grass dance headdress near a railway blockade line in Sarnia, Ont. in December. (Photo: Dave Chidley/Canadian Press)
"Make no mistake, the energy that's coming from our people is not going anywhere," said national chief of the Assembly of First Nations Shawn Atleo, who just returned from a medical leave, in a press conference Thursday.

Referring to the increased pressure on the Canadian government to recognize the universal issues of individual sovereignty and environmental protections which have underscored the movement's focus, Atleo continued:

It's not only a single person in the prime minister. It's the fact that this country is now recognizing that we need to address the issues and the relationship between First Nations and Canada, and there's some shared objectives.

[The status quo is] not working not only for First Nations, it's not working for Canadians and it's not working for governments. And so we need to with great haste seize on this moment and say that we're not going to let it go by.
Atleo was one of the First Nations leaders who held a "working meeting" with Prime Minister Stephen Harper on January 11, despite boycott by some chiefs—including Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence—because the meeting did not include Canadian Governor General David Johnston.

Touching upon the conflict, he added, "On principles of substance, we are unified."

A spokesperson for Spence seconded Atleo's statement Thursday, also vowing that the struggle will continue.

Earlier that day, Spence and Manitoba elder Raymond Robinson ended their 43-day hunger strike after representatives from the Assembly of First Nations and various governmental groups endorsed a declaration of specific commitments "to undertake political, spiritual and all other advocacy efforts to implement a renewed First Nations - Crown relationship," including full implementation of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), CBC reports.

A full text of the agreement can be read here.

Going forward, movement leaders are planning an Idle No More World Day of Action on Monday, January 28 (#J28) during which they will "peacefully protest attacks on Democracy, Indigenous Sovereignty, Human Rights and Environmental Protections" as Canadian Members of Parliament convene at the House of Commons in Ottawa.

Also, demonstrating the reach and international resonance of the campaign, major flash mobs are planned for this Saturday by supporters in the US and Australia.



WEEKEND EDITION JANUARY 25-27, 2013

The Trail of Broken Treaties
From Wounded Knee to Idle No More
by RON JACOBS
The American Indian Movement’s (AIM) best known and most controversial protest began in February 1973 in Wounded Knee, South Dakota, a small town on the Pine Ridge reservation. Wounded Knee Two began as a conflict within the Oglala Lakota (Sioux) tribe between the supporters of the tribal Chairman Richard Wilson and other tribal members who considered him to be a corrupt puppet of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Like many other such conflicts, it had simmered for a while. In 1973, the disagreements between the two segments of the Pine Ridge Lakota Sioux created so much anger and division that both sides ended up arming themselves. The forces allied with Wilson, along with Federal law enforcement officials and US military, entered into a 71 day siege of the AIM forces. The AIM group included local citizens, national AIM members, prominent entertainment figures, and members of national philanthropic, religious, and legal organizations. National news organizations covered the entire 71 days of the siege and its aftermath.

When the siege ended on May 9, 1973, two Native American members of AIM were dead and an unknown number were wounded on both sides. Richard Wilson remained in office and was challenged in the next election. Many AIM members spent the next years in litigation, in exile, and in prison. Several more armed conflicts erupted in the wake of the siege, in large part due to continuing counterintelligence programs and vigorous prosecutions that targeted AIM members. The most well-known of these cases is that of Leonard Peltier who remains in prison because of an at-best questionable conviction in the death of an FBI agent in 1975.


Image
American Indian Movement protest at Wounded Knee, 1973.

Although I was living in Germany at the time, the occupation came close to home. A classmate of mine whose family was connected to Pine Ridge left his senior year in early March to participate. His father was supportive, despite his rather contradictory role as part of the US Army’s infantry. Indeed, it is likely that while he was in Vietnam he participated in campaigns named after earlier military actions against his own people. As anyone who heard about the US Navy’s killing of Osama bin Laden knows, the practice of naming military actions after indigenous Americans continues; that operation was code-named “Geronimo.” Some US Army helicopters are called “Apaches.” Furthermore, some of the most studied generals at West Point are those who got their start, or even made their name, killing Native Americans.

So, it has been forty years since the second face-off at Wounded Knee between members of the Lakota nation and the United States government. To be fair, the 1973 engagement was much more of a face-off than the first intrusion. If one is unfamiliar with that incident, let me tell you about it. Early in the morning of December 29, 1890 US troops went into a camp at Wounded Knee Creek to disarm the Lakota staying there. After a scuffle or two, the 7th Cavalry opened fire and killed men, women, and children, as well as some of their own fellow troopers. Those few Lakota warriors who still had weapons began shooting back at the attacking troopers, who quickly suppressed the Lakota fire. After the shooting had stopped, at least 150 men, women, and children of the Lakota Sioux had been killed. Some believe the number of dead was closer to 300. Twenty-five troopers also died, and 39 were wounded. Many of the dead troops were the victims of friendly fire. At least twenty troopers were awarded the coveted Medal of Honor.

It’s been a long time since I was in South Dakota. The last time was in 1979. A group of friends and I were driving a VW bus across the country on our way to the San Francisco Bay Area. While traveling across the state, we stopped near the Pine Ridge Reservation to buy gas. While paying for the gas, the driver purchased a bottle of rubbing alcohol from the clerk in the store connected to the gas tanks. She looked at his long hair, his hairless face (his mother was part Cherokee) and refused to sell it to him. He told her he needed it to clean the heads on the car’s cassette player. She called him a liar, stating that she wasn’t going to allow him to drink it and poison himself. Not wanting to argue (the area is pretty remote, after all), he paid for the gas and left the store. After explaining what had happened, I went back into the store. The clerk looked at my full beard, made me promise I wouldn’t let any “Indians” drink the alcohol, and sold me the same bottle of rubbing alcohol she had refused my friend. We spent a good part of the next hundred miles wondering what her motivation could have been. Did she hate “Indians?” Was she doing her Christian duty? Was she just afraid that my friend was going to drink the alcohol and then his family would sue her store?

The situation of America’s indigenous people continues to be tenuous. On both continents in the hemisphere, indigenous people’s homelands and livelihoods are threatened. Gambling casinos and resource extraction operations in northern America siphon away native cultures and resources; making money for some members while furthering impoverishing others. In southern America, peoples lands and lives are threatened on a very real fundamental level, thanks to fossil fuel exploration and farming and ranching operations designed to supply other people near and far. Recently, a movement of native peoples (known as First Nations in Canada) calling itself Idle No More arose in Canada. The impetus for the movement is the Canadian government’s Omnibus Bill C-45. This bill seems designed to further abrogate treaty rights assigned to First Nations in order to expand resource exploration and extraction. The movement is slowly spreading to the indigenous nations of the northern United States, which have seen their lands ravaged numerous times over the course of history in the name of resource extraction. Most recently, this has meant opening these lands to the fracking and the construction of pipelines across the continent. Despite the ongoing attempts to destroy the culture and well-being of America’s First Nations, they continue to battle despite the odds. Their struggle remains an important part of the struggle for humanity’s survival.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Fri Mar 08, 2013 1:52 am

Dancing the World into Being
Thursday, 07 March 2013 09:53
By Naomi Klein, Yes! Magazine | Interview

Naomi Klein speaks with writer, spoken-word artist, and indigenous academic Leanne Betasamosake Simpson about “extractivism,” why it’s important to talk about memories of the land, and what’s next for Idle No More.
In December 2012, the Indigenous protests known as Idle No More exploded onto the Canadian political scene, with huge round dances taking place in shopping malls, busy intersections, and public spaces across North America, as well as solidarity actions as far away as New Zealand and Gaza. Though sparked by a series of legislative attacks on indigenous sovereignty and environmental protections by the Conservative government of Stephen Harper, the movement quickly became about much more: Canada’s ongoing colonial policies, a transformative vision of decolonization, and the possibilities for a genuine alliance between natives and non-natives, one capable of re-imagining nationhood. Throughout all this, Idle No More had no official leaders or spokespeople. But it did lift up the voices of a few artists and academics whose words and images spoke to the movement's deep aspirations. One of those voices belonged to Leanne Simpson, a multi-talented Mississauga Nishnaabeg writer of poetry, essays, spoken-word pieces, short stories, academic papers, and anthologies. Simpson's books, including Lighting the Eighth Fire: The Liberation, Protection and Resurgence of Indigenous Nations and Dancing on Our Turtle's Back: Stories of Nishnaabeg Re-Creation, Resurgence and a New Emergence, have influenced a new generation of native activists.
At the height of the protests, her essay, Aambe! Maajaadaa! (What #IdleNoMore Means to Me) spread like wildfire on social media and became one of the movement’s central texts. In it she writes: “I support #idlenomore because I believe that we have to stand up anytime our nation’s land base is threatened—whether it is legislation, deforestation, mining prospecting, condo development, pipelines, tar sands or golf courses. I stand up anytime our nation’s land base in threatened because everything we have of meaning comes from the land—our political systems, our intellectual systems, our health care, food security, language and our spiritual sustenance and our moral fortitude.”
On February 15, 2013, I sat down with Leanne Simpson in Toronto to talk about decolonization, ecocide, climate change, and how to turn an uprising into a “punctuated transformation.”
On Extractivism
Naomi Klein: Let’s start with what has brought so much indigenous resistance to a head in recent months. With the tar sands expansion, and all the pipelines, and the Harper government’s race to dig up huge tracts of the north, does it feel like we’re in some kind of final colonial pillage? Or is this more of a continuation of what Canada has always been about?
Leanne Simpson: Over the past 400 years, there has never been a time when indigenous peoples were not resisting colonialism. Idle No More is the latest—visible to the mainstream—resistance and it is part of an ongoing historical and contemporary push to protect our lands, our cultures, our nationhoods, and our languages. To me, it feels like there has been an intensification of colonial pillage, or that’s what the Harper government is preparing for—the hyper-extraction of natural resources on indigenous lands. But really, every single Canadian government has placed that kind of thinking at its core when it comes to indigenous peoples.
Indigenous peoples have lived through environmental collapse on local and regional levels since the beginning of colonialism—the construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway, the extermination of the buffalo in Cree and Blackfoot territories and the extinction of salmon in Lake Ontario—these were unnecessary and devastating. At the same time, I know there are a lot of people within the indigenous community that are giving the economy, this system, 10 more years, 20 more years, that are saying “Yeah, we’re going to see the collapse of this in our lifetimes.”
Our elders have been warning us about this for generations now—they saw the unsustainability of settler society immediately. Societies based on conquest cannot be sustained, so yes, I do think we’re getting closer to that breaking point for sure. We’re running out of time. We’re losing the opportunity to turn this thing around. We don’t have time for this massive slow transformation into something that’s sustainable and alternative. I do feel like I’m getting pushed up against the wall. Maybe my ancestors felt that 200 years ago or 400 years ago. But I don’t think it matters. I think that the impetus to act and to change and to transform, for me, exists whether or not this is the end of the world. If a river is threatened, it’s the end of the world for those fish. It’s been the end of the world for somebody all along. And I think the sadness and the trauma of that is reason enough for me to act.
Naomi: Let’s talk about extraction because it strikes me that if there is one word that encapsulates the dominant economic vision, that is it. The Harper government sees its role as facilitating the extraction of natural wealth from the ground and into the market. They are not interested in added value. They’ve decimated the manufacturing sector because of the high dollar. They don’t care, because they look north and they see lots more pristine territory that they can rip up.
And of course that’s why they’re so frantic about both the environmental movement and First Nations rights because those are the barriers to their economic vision. But extraction isn’t just about mining and drilling, it’s a mindset—it’s an approach to nature, to ideas, to people. What does it mean to you?
Leanne: Extraction and assimilation go together. Colonialism and capitalism are based on extracting and assimilating. My land is seen as a resource. My relatives in the plant and animal worlds are seen as resources. My culture and knowledge is a resource. My body is a resource and my children are a resource because they are the potential to grow, maintain, and uphold the extraction-assimilation system. The act of extraction removes all of the relationships that give whatever is being extracted meaning. Extracting is taking. Actually, extracting is stealing—it is taking without consent, without thought, care or even knowledge of the impacts that extraction has on the other living things in that environment. That’s always been a part of colonialism and conquest. Colonialism has always extracted the indigenous—extraction of indigenous knowledge, indigenous women, indigenous peoples.
Naomi: Children from parents.
Leanne: Children from parents. Children from families. Children from the land. Children from our political system and our system of governance. Children—our most precious gift. In this kind of thinking, every part of our culture that is seemingly useful to the extractivist mindset gets extracted. The canoe, the kayak, any technology that we had that was useful was extracted and assimilated into the culture of the settlers without regard for the people and the knowledge that created it.
When there was a push to bring traditional knowledge into environmental thinking after Our Common Future, [a report issued by the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development] in the late 1980s, it was a very extractivist approach: “Let’s take whatever teachings you might have that would help us right out of your context, right away from your knowledge holders, right out of your language, and integrate them into this assimilatory mindset.” It’s the idea that traditional knowledge and indigenous peoples have some sort of secret of how to live on the land in an non-exploitive way that broader society needs to appropriate. But the extractivist mindset isn’t about having a conversation and having a dialogue and bringing in indigenous knowledge on the terms of indigenous peoples. It is very much about extracting whatever ideas scientists or environmentalists thought were good and assimilating it.
Naomi: Like I’ll just take the idea of “the seventh generation” and…
Leanne: …put it onto toilet paper and sell it to people. There’s an intellectual extraction, a cognitive extraction, as well as a physical one. The machine around promoting extractivism is huge in terms of TV, movies, and popular culture.
Naomi: If extractivism is a mindset, a way of looking at the world, what is the alternative?
Leanne: Responsibility. Because I think when people extract things, they’re taking and they’re running and they’re using it for just their own good. What’s missing is the responsibility. If you’re not developing relationships with the people, you’re not giving back, you’re not sticking around to see the impact of the extraction. You’re moving to someplace else.
The alternative is deep reciprocity. It’s respect, it’s relationship, it’s responsibility, and it’s local. If you’re forced to stay in your 50-mile radius, then you very much are going to experience the impacts of extractivist behavior. The only way you can shield yourself from that is when you get your food from around the world or from someplace else. So the more distance and the more globalization then the more shielded I am from the negative impacts of extractivist behavior.
On Idle No More
Naomi: With Idle No More, there was this moment in December and January where there was the beginning of an attempt to articulate an alternative agenda for the country that was rooted in a different relationship with nature. And I think of lot of people were drawn to it because it did seem to provide that possibility of a vision for the land that is not just digging holes and polluting rivers and laying pipelines.
But I think that may have been lost a little when we starting hearing some chiefs casting it all as a fight over resources sharing: “OK, Harper wants to extract $650 billion worth of resources, and how are we going to have a fair share of that?” That’s a fair question given the enormous poverty and the fact that these resources are on indigenous lands. But it’s not questioning the underlying imperative of tearing up the land for wealth.
Leanne: No, it’s not, and that is exactly what our traditional leaders, elders, and many grassroots people are saying as well. Part of the issue is about leadership. Indian Act chiefs and councils—while there are some very good people involved doing some good work—they are ultimately accountable to the Canadian government and not to our people. The Indian Act system is an imposed system—it is not our political system based on our values or ways of governing.
Indigenous communities, particularly in places where there is significant pressure to develop natural resources, face tremendous imposed economic poverty. Billions of dollars of natural resources have been extracted from their territories, without their permission and without compensation. That’s the reality. We have not had the right to say no to development, because ultimately those communities are not seen as people, they are seen as resources.
Rather than interacting with indigenous peoples through our treaties, successive federal governments chose to control us through the Indian Act, precisely so they can continue to build the Canadian economy on the exploitation of natural resources without regard for indigenous peoples or the environment. This is deliberate. This is also where the real fight will be, because these are the most pristine indigenous homelands. There are communities standing up and saying no to the idea of tearing up the land for wealth. What I think these communities want is our solidarity and a large network of mobilized people willing to stand with them when they say no.
These same communities are also continually shamed in the mainstream media and by state governments and by Canadian society for being poor. Shaming the victim is part of that extractivist thinking. We need to understand why these communities are economically poor in the first place—and they are poor so that Canadians can enjoy the standard of living they do. I say “economically poor” because while these communities have less material wealth, they are rich in other ways—they have their homelands, their languages, their cultures, and relationships with each other that make their communities strong and resilient.
I always get asked, “Why do your communities partner with these multinationals to exploit their land?” It is because it is presented as the only way out of crushing economic poverty. Industry and government are very invested in the “jobs versus the environment” discussion. These communities are under tremendous pressure from provincial governments, federal governments, and industry to partner in the destruction of natural resources. Industry and government have no problem with presenting large-scale environmental destruction by corporations as the only way out of poverty because it is in their best interest to do so.
There is a huge need to clearly articulate alternative visions of how to build healthy, sustainable, local indigenous economies that benefit indigenous communities and respect our fundamental philosophies and values. The hyper-exploitation of natural resources is not the only approach. The first step to that is to stop seeing indigenous peoples and our homelands as free resources to be used at will however colonial society sees fit.
If Canada is not interested in dismantling the system that forces poverty onto indigenous peoples, then I’m not sure Canadians, who directly benefit from indigenous poverty, get to judge the decisions indigenous peoples make, particularly when very few alternatives are present. Indigenous peoples do not have control over our homelands. We do not have the ability to say no to development on our homelands. At the same time, I think that partnering with large resource extraction industries for the destruction of our homelands does not bring about the kinds of changes and solutions our people are looking for, and putting people in the position of having to chose between feeding their kids and destroying their land is simply wrong.
Ultimately we’re not talking about a getting a bigger piece of the pie—as Winona LaDuke says—we’re talking about a different pie. People within the Idle No More movement who are talking about indigenous nationhood are talking about a massive transformation, a massive decolonization. A resurgence of indigenous political thought that is very, very much land-based and very, very much tied to that intimate and close relationship to the land, which to me means a revitalization of sustainable local indigenous economies that benefit local people. So I think there’s a pretty broad agreement around that, but there are a lot of different views around strategy because we have tremendous poverty in our communities.
On Promoting Life
Naomi: One of the reasons I wanted to speak with you is that in your writing and speaking, I feel like you are articulating a clear alternative. In a speech you gave recently at the University of Victoria, you said: “Our systems are designed to promote more life” and you talked about achieving this through “resisting, renewing, and regeneration”—all themes in Dancing on Our Turtle’s Back.
I want to explore the idea of life-promoting systems with you because it seems to me that they are the antithesis of the extractivist mindset, which is ultimately about exhausting and extinguishing life without renewing or replenishing.
Leanne: I first started to think about that probably 20 years ago, and it was through some of Winona LaDuke’s work and through working with elders out on the land that I started to really think about this. Winona took a concept that’s very fundamental to Anishinaabeg society, called mino bimaadiziwin. It often gets translated as “the good life,” but the deeper kind of cultural, conceptual meaning is something that she really brought into my mind, and she translated it as “continuous rebirth.” So, the purpose of life then is this continuous rebirth, it’s to promote more life. In Anishinaabeg society, our economic systems, our education systems, our systems of governance, and our political systems were designed with that basic tenet at their core.
I think that sort of fundamental teaching gives direction to individuals on how to interact with each other and family, how to interact with your children, how to interact with the land. And then as communities of people form, it gives direction on how those communities and how those nations should also interact. In terms of the economy, it meant a very, very localized economy where there was a tremendous amount of accountability and reciprocity. And so those kinds of things start with individuals and families and communities and then they sort of spiral outwards into how communities and how nations interact with each other.
I also think it’s about the fertility of ideas and it’s the fertility of alternatives. One of the things birds do in our creation stories is they plant seeds and they bring forth new ideas and they grow those ideas. Seeds are the encapsulation of wisdom and potential and the birds carry those seeds around the earth and grew this earth. And I think we all have that responsibility to find those seeds, to plant those seeds, to give birth to these new ideas. Because people think up an idea but then don’t articulate it, or don’t tell anybody about it, and don’t build a community around it, and don’t do it.
So in Anishinaabeg philosophy, if you have a dream, if you have a vision, you share that with your community, and then you have a responsibility for bringing that dream forth, or that vision forth into a reality. That’s the process of regeneration. That’s the process of bringing forth more life—getting the seed and planting and nurturing it. It can be a physical seed, it can be a child, or it can be an idea. But if you’re not continually engaged in that process then it doesn’t happen.
Naomi: What has the principle of regeneration meant in your own life?
Leanne: In my own life, I try to foster that with my own children and in my own family, because I have a lot of control over what happens in my own family and I don’t have a lot of control over what happens in the broader nation and broader society. But, enabling them, giving them opportunities to develop a meaningful relationship with our land, with the water, with the plants and animals. Giving them opportunities to develop meaningful relationships with elders and with people in our community so that they’re growing up in a very, very strong community with a number of different adults that they can go to when they have problems.
One of the stories I tell in my book is of working with an elder who’s passed on now, Robin Greene from Shoal Lake in Winnipeg, in an environmental education program with First Nations youth. And we were talking about sustainable development, and I was explaining that term from the Western perspective to the students. And I asked him if there was a similar concept in Anishinaabeg philosophy that would be the same as sustainable development. And he thought for a very long time. And he said no. And I was sort of shocked at the “no” because I was expecting there to be something similar. And he said the concept is backwards. You don’t develop as much as Mother Earth can handle. For us it’s the opposite. You think about how much you can give up to promote more life. Every decision that you make is based on: Do you really need to be doing that?
If I look at how my ancestors even 200 years ago, they didn’t spend a lot of time banking capital, they didn’t rely on material wealth for their well-being and economic stability. They put energy into meaningful and authentic relationships. So their food security and economic security was based on how good and how resilient their relationships were—their relationships with clans that lived nearby, with communities that lived nearby, so that in hard times they would rely on people, not the money they saved in the bank. I think that extended to how they found meaning in life. It was the quality of those relationships—not how much they had, not how much they consumed—that was the basis of their happiness. So I think that that’s very oppositional to colonial society and settler society and how we’re taught to live in that.
Naomi: One system takes things out of their relationships; the other continuously builds relationships.
Leanne: Right. Again, going back to my ancestors, they weren’t consumers. They were producers and they made everything. Everybody had to know how to make everything. Even if I look at my mom’s generation, which is not 200 years ago, she knew how to make and create the basic necessities that we needed. So even that generation, my grandmother’s generation, they knew how to make clothes, they knew how to make shelter, they knew how to make the same food that they would grow in their own gardens or harvest from the land in the summer through the winter to a much greater degree than my generation does. When you have really localized food systems and localized political systems, people have to be engaged in a higher level—not just consuming it, but producing it and making it. Then that self-sufficiency builds itself into the system.
My ancestors tended to look very far into the future in terms of planning, look at that seven generations forward. So I think they foresaw that there were going to be some big problems. I think through those original treaties and our diplomatic traditions, that’s really what they were trying to reconcile. They were trying to protect large tracts of land where indigenous peoples could continue their way of life and continue our own economies and continue our own political systems, I think with the hope that the settler society would sort of modify their way into something that was more parallel or more congruent to indigenous societies.
On Loving the Wounded
Naomi: You often start your public presentations by describing what your territory used to look like. And it strikes me that what you are saying is very different from traditional green environmental discourse, which usually focuses on imminent ecological collapse, the collapse that will happen if we don’t do X and Y. But you are basically saying that the collapse has already happened.
Leanne: I’m not sure focusing on imminent ecological collapse is motivating Canadians to change if you look at the spectrum of climate change denial across society. It is spawning a lot of apocalypse movies, but I think it is so overwhelming and traumatic to think about, that perhaps people shut down to cope. That’s why clearly articulated visions of alternatives are so important.
In my own work, I started to talk about what the land used to look like because very few people remember. Very early on, where I’m from, on the north shore of Lake Ontario, you saw the collapse of the salmon population in Lake Ontario by 1840. They used to migrate all the way up to Stony Lake—it was a huge deal for our nation. And then the eel population crashing with the construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway and the Trent-Severn Waterway. So I think again, in a really local way, indigenous peoples have seen and lived through this environmental disaster where entire parts of their world collapsed really early on.
But it cycles, and the collapses are getting bigger and bigger and bigger. It’s getting to the point where I describe what my land used to look like because no one knows. No one remembers what southern Ontario looked like 200 years ago, which to me is really scary. How do we envision our way out of this when we don’t even remember what this natural environment is supposed to look like?
Naomi: I’ve spent the past two years living in British Columbia, where my family is, and I’ve been pretty involved in the fights against the tar sands pipelines. And of course the situation is so different there. There is still so much pristine wilderness, and people feel connected and protective of it. And I think for everyone, the fights against the pipelines have really been about falling more deeply in love with the land. It’s not an “anti” movement—it’s not about “I hate you.” It’s about “We love this place too much to let you desecrate it.” So it has a different feeling than any movement I’ve been a part of before. And of course the anti-pipeline movement on the West Coast is indigenous-led, and it’s also forged amazing coalitions of indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. I wonder how much those fights have contributed to the emergence of Idle No More—the fact of having these incredible coalitions and First Nations saying no to Harper, working together…
Leanne: But also because the Yinka Dene Alliance based their resistance on indigenous law. I remember feeling really proud when Yinka Dene Alliance did the train ride to the east. I was actually in Alberta at the time but we need to build on that because if you look in the financial sections of the papers for the last few years, there are these little indications that the pipelines are coming here too. And it’s becoming more so, with this refinery in Fredericton. So there needs to be a similar movement around pipelines as we’ve seen in British Columbia. But central Canada is behind.
Naomi: I think a lot of it has to do with the state the land is in. Because in B.C., that was the outrage over the Northern Gateway routing—“You want to build a pipeline through that part of B.C.? Are you nuts?” It was almost a gift to movement-building because they weren’t talking about building it through urban areas, they were talking about building it through some of the most pristine wilderness in the province. But we have such a harder job here, because there needs to be a process not just of protecting the land, but as you were saying, of finding the land in order to protect it. Whereas in B.C., it’s just so damn pretty.
Leanne: I think for me, it’s always been a struggle because I’ve always wanted to live in B.C. or the north, because the land is pristine. It’s easier emotionally for me. But I’ve chosen to live in my territory and I’ve chosen to be a witness of this. And I think that’s where, in the politics of indigenous women, and traditional indigenous politics, it is a politics based on love. That was the difference with Idle No More because there were so many women that were standing up. Because of colonialism, we were excluded for a long time from that Indian Act chief and council governing system. Women initially were not allowed to run for office, and it’s still a bastion of patriarchy. But that in some ways is a gift because all of our organizing around governance and politics and this continuous rebirth has been outside of that system and been based on that politics of love.
So when I think of the land as my mother or if I think of it as a familial relationship, I don’t hate my mother because she’s sick, or because she’s been abused. I don’t stop visiting her because she’s been in an abusive relationship and she has scars and bruises. If anything, you need to intensify that relationship because it’s a relationship of nurturing and caring. And so I think in my own territory I try to have that intimate relationship, that relationship of love—even though I can see the damage—to try to see that there is still beauty there. There’s still a lot of beauty in Lake Ontario. It’s one of those threatened lakes and it’s dying and no one wants to eat the fish. But there is a lot of beauty still in that lake. There is a lot of love still in that lake. And I think that Mother Earth as my first mother. Mothers have a tremendous amount of resilience. They have a tremendous amount of healing power. But I think this idea that you abandon it when something has been damaged is something we can’t afford to do in Southern Ontario.
Naomi: Exactly. But it’s such a different political project, right? Because the first stage is establishing that there’s something left to love. My husband talks about how growing up beside a lake you can’t swim in shapes your relationship with nature. You think nature is somewhere else. I think a lot of people don’t believe this part of the world is worth saving because they think it’s already destroyed, so you may as well abuse it some more. There aren’t enough people who are articulating what it means to build an authentic relationship with non-pristine nature. And it’s a different kind of environmental voice that can speak to the wounded, as opposed to just the perfect and pretty.
Leanne: If you can’t swim in it, canoe across it. Find a way to connect to it. When the lake is too ruined to swim or to eat from it, then that’s where the healing ceremonies come in, because you can still do ceremonies with it. In Peterborough, I wrote a spoken word piece around salmon in which I imagined myself as being the first salmon back into Lake Ontario and coming back to our territory. The lift-locks were gone. And I learned the route that the salmon would have gone in our language. And so that was one of the ways I was trying to connect my community back to that story and back to that river system, through this performance. People did get more interested in the salmon. The kids did get more interested because they were part of the dance work.
On Climate Change and Transformation
Naomi: In the book I’m currently writing I’m trying to understand why we are failing so spectacularly to deal with the climate crisis. And there are lots of reasons—ideological, material, and so on. But there are also powerful psychological and cultural reasons where we—and I’m talking in the “settler” we, I suppose—have been colonized by the logic of capitalism, and that has left us uniquely ill-equipped to deal with this particular crisis.
Leanne: In order to make these changes, in order to make this punctuated transformation, it means lower standards of living, for that 1 percent and for the middle class. At the end of the day, that’s what it means. And I think in the absence of having a meaningful life outside of capital and outside of material wealth, that’s really scary.
Naomi: Essentially, it’s saying: your life is going to end because consumerism is how we construct our identities in this culture. The role of consumption has changed in our lives just in the past 30 years. It’s so much more entwined in the creation of self. So when someone says, “To fight climate change you have to shop less,” it is heard as, “You have to be less.” The reaction is often one of pure panic.
On the other hand, if you have a rich community life, if your relationships feed you, if you have a meaningful relationship with the natural world, then I think contraction isn’t as terrifying. But if your life is almost exclusively consumption, which I think is what it is for a great many people in this culture, then we need to understand the depth of the threat this crisis represents. That’s why the transformation that we have to make is so profound—we have to relearn how to derive happiness and satisfaction from other things than shopping, or we’re all screwed.
Leanne: I see the transformation as: Your life isn’t going to be worse, it’s not going to be over. Your life is going to be better. The transition is going to be hard, but from my perspective, from our perspective, having a rich community life and deriving happiness out of authentic relationships with the land and people around you is wonderful. I think where Idle No More did pick up on it is with the round dances and with the expression of the joy. “Let’s make this fun.” It was women that brought that joy.
Naomi: Another barrier to really facing up to the climate crisis has to do with another one of your strong themes, which is the importance of having a relationship to the land. Because climate change is playing out on the land, and in order to see those early signs, you have to be in some kind of communication with it. Because the changes are subtle—until they’re not.
Leanne: I always take my kids to the sugar bush in March and we make maple syrup with them. And what’s happened over the last 20 years is every year our season is shorter. Last year was a near disaster because we had that week of summer weather in the middle of March. You need a very specific temperature range for making maple sugar. So it sort of dawned on me last year: I’m spending all of this time with my kids in the sugar bush and in 20 years, when it’s their term to run it, they’re going to have to move. Who knows? It’s not going to be in my territory anymore. That’s something that my generation, my family, is going to witness the death of. And that is tremendously sad and painful for us.
It’s things like the sugar bush that are the stories, the teachings, that’s really our system of governance, where children learn about that. It’s another piece of the puzzle that we’re trying to put back together that’s about to go missing. It’s happening at an incredibly fast rate, it’s changing. Indigenous peoples have always been able to adapt, and we’ve had a resilience. But the speed of this—our stories and our culture and our oral tradition doesn’t keep up, can’t keep up.
Naomi: One of the things that’s so difficult, when one immerses oneself in the climate science and comes to grips with just how little time we have left to turn things around, is that we know that real hard political work takes time. You can’t rush it. And a sense of urgency can even be dangerous, it can be used to say, “We don’t have time to deal with those complicated issues like colonialism and racism and inequality.” There is a history in the environmental movement of doing that, of using urgency to belittle all issues besides human survival. But on the other hand, we really are in this moment where small steps won’t do. We need a leap.
Leanne: This is one of the ways the environmental movement has to change. Colonial thought brought us climate change. We need a new approach because the environmental movement has been fighting climate change for more than two decades and we’re not seeing the change we need. I think groups like Defenders of the Land and the Indigenous Environmental Network hold a lot of answers for the mainstream environmental movement because they are talking about large-scale transformation. If we are not, as peoples of the earth, willing to counter colonialism, we have no hope of surviving climate change. Individual choices aren’t going to get us out of this mess. We need a systemic change. Manulani Aluli Meyer was just in Peterborough—she’s a Hawaiian scholar and activist—and she was talking about punctuated transformation. A punctuated transformation [means] we don’t have time to do the whole steps and time shift, it’s got to be much quicker than that.
That’s the hopefulness and inspiration for me that’s coming out of Idle No More. It was small groups of women around a kitchen table that got together and said, “We’re not going to sit here and plan this and analyze this, we’re going to do something.” And then three more women, and then two more women, and a whole bunch of people and then men got together and did it, and it wasn’t like there was a whole lot of planning and strategy and analyzing. It was people standing up and saying “Enough is enough, and I’m going to use my voice and I’m going to speak out and I’m going to see what happens.” And I think because it was still emergent and there were no single leaders and there was no institution or organization it became this very powerful thing.
On Next Steps
Naomi: What do you think the next phase will be?
Leanne: I think within the movement, we’re in the next phase. There’s a lot of teaching that’s happening right now in our community and with public teach-ins, there’s a lot of that internal work, a lot of educating and planning happening right now. There is a lot of internal nation-building work. It’s difficult to say where the movement will go because it is so beautifully diverse. I see perhaps a second phase that is going to be on the land. It’s going to be local and it’s going to be people standing up and opposing these large-scale industrial development projects that threaten our existence as indigenous peoples—in the Ring of Fire [region in Northern Ontario], tar sands, fracking, mining, deforestation… But where they might have done that through policy or through the Environmental Assessment Act or through legal means in the past, now it may be through direct action. Time will tell.
Naomi: I want to come back to what you said earlier about knowledge extraction. How do we balance the dangers of cultural appropriation with the fact that the dominant culture really does need to learn these lessons about reciprocity and interdependence? Some people say it’s a question of everybody finding their own inner indigenousness. Is that it, or is there a way of recognizing indigenous knowledge and leadership that avoids the hit-and-run approach?
Leanne: I think Idle No More is an example because I think there is an opportunity for the environmental movement, for social-justice groups, and for mainstream Canadians to stand with us. There was a segment of Canadian society, once they had the information, that was willing to stand with us. And that was helpful and inspiring to me as well. So I think it’s a shift in mindset from seeing indigenous people as a resource to extract to seeing us as intelligent, articulate, relevant, living, breathing peoples and nations. I think that requires individuals and communities and people to develop fair and meaningful and authentic relationships with us.
We have a lot of ideas about how to live gently within our territory in a way where we have separate jurisdictions and separate nations but over a shared territory. I think there’s a responsibility on the part of mainstream community and society to figure out a way of living more sustainably and extracting themselves from extractivist thinking. And taking on their own work and own responsibility to figure out how to live responsibly and be accountable to the next seven generations of people. To me, that’s a shift that Canadian society needs to take on, that’s their responsibility. Our responsibility is to continue to recover that knowledge, recover those practices, recover the stories and philosophies, and rebuild our nations from the inside out. If each group was doing their work in a responsible way then I think we wouldn’t be stuck in these boxes.
There are lots of opportunities for Canadians, especially in urban areas, to develop relationships with indigenous people. Now more than ever, there are opportunities for Canadians to learn. Just in the last 10 years, there’s been an explosion of indigenous writing. That’s why me coming into the city today is important, because these are the kinds of conversations where you see ways out of the box, where you get those little glimmers, those threads that you follow and you nurture, and the more you nurture them, the bigger they grow.
Naomi: Can you tell me a little bit about the name of your book, Dancing On Our Turtle’s Back, and what it means in this moment?
Leanne: I’ve heard Elder Edna Manitowabi tell one of our creation stories about a muskrat and a turtle for years now. In this story, there’s been some sort of environmental crisis. Because within Anishinaabeg cosmology, this isn’t the First World, maybe this is the Fourth World that we’re on. And whenever there’s an imbalance and the imbalance isn’t addressed, then over time there’s a crisis. This time, there was a big flood that covered the entire world. Nanabush, one of our sacred beings, ends up trapped on a log with many of the other animals. They are floating in this vast sea of water with no land in sight. To me, that feels like where we are right now. I’m on a very crowded log, the world my ancestors knew and lived in is gone, and me and my community need to come up with a solution even though we are all feeling overwhelmed and irritated. It’s an intense situation and no one knows what to do, no one knows how to make a new world.
So the animals end up taking turns diving down and searching for a pawful of dirt or earth to use to start to make a new world. The strong animals go first, and when they come up with nothing, the smaller animals take a turn. Finally, muskrat is successful and brings her pawfull of dirt up to the surface. Turtle volunteers to have the earth placed on her back. Nanibush prays and breaths life into that earth. All of the animals sing and dance on the turtle’s back in a circle, and as they do this, the turtle’s back grows. It grows and grows until it becomes the world we know. This is why Anishinaabeg call North America Mikinakong—the place of the turtle.
When Edna tells this story, she says that we’re all that muskrat, and that we all have that responsibility to get off the log and dive down no matter how hard it is and search around for that dirt. And that to me was profound and transformative, because we can’t wait for somebody else to come up with the idea. The whole point, the way we’re going to make this better, is by everybody engaging in their own being, in their own gifts, and embody this movement, embody this transformation.
And so that was a transformative story for me in my life and seemed to me very relevant in terms of climate change, in terms of indigenous resurgence, in terms of rebuilding the Anishinaabeg Nation. And so when people started round dancing all over the turtle’s back in December and January, it made me insanely happy. Watching the transformative nature of those acts, made me realize that it’s the embodiment, we have to embody the transformation.
Naomi: What did it feel like to you when it was happening?
Leanne: Love. On an emotional, a physical level, on a spiritual level. Yeah, it was love. It was an intimate, deep love. Like the love that I have for my children or the love that I have for the land. It was that kind of authentic, not romantic kind of fleeting love. It was a grounded love.
Naomi: And it can even be felt in a shopping mall.
Leanne: Even in a shopping mall. And how shocking is that?
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Luther Blissett » Thu May 02, 2013 1:08 pm

First Nation threatens to shut down B.C. copper mine
Possible blockade of mine road across reserve could be start of ‘catastrophic’ uprising across Canada, think-tank warns

By PETER O'NEIL, Vancouver Sun May 1, 2013

OTTAWA — A threat by a B.C. First Nation to shut down a B.C. mine is a small sign of a potentially “catastrophic” uprising in Canada if Aboriginal Peoples don’t become full participants in natural resource extraction, a prominent think-tank warned Wednesday.

On Tuesday, the Wet’suwe’ten First Nation threatened to shut down the $455-million expansion of the Huckleberry Mines Ltd. copper/molybdenum operation, 123 kilometres southwest of Houston, in northern B.C.

Wet’suwet’en Chief Karen Ogen said Wednesday the mine’s access road and power transmission line crosses her band’s reserve near Owen Lake.

She said the Wet’suwet’en would likely start by charging a toll on mine workers and contractors using the road. But if the band’s demand for jobs for its members are not met, she threatened more drastic action.

“If we have to the hydro lines will come down,” she vowed.

The warning of possible violence across Canada comes from Douglas Bland, a professor emeritus at Queen’s University in Kingston. Bland, in one of two reports on resource development and First Nations published by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, argued Canadians should take heed of the Idle No More movement that held protests across Canada against federal inaction on key issues.

“An idea that most Canadians would have seen as preposterous a year ago ... is now very real,” he wrote. “The possibility of a catastrophic confrontation between Canada’s settler and aboriginal communities, spurred not by yesterday’s grievances but by the central features and consequences of our national policies, have the potential to make such an uprising feasible, if not ... inevitable.”

Ogen said none of the 230 full-time and 30 contract positions at the Huckleberry mine nor any of the 70 jobs to be created by the expansion go to members of her community, despite numerous meetings with the company.

“The Wet’suwet’en chief and council were instructed by their members to take whatever action is necessary, including direct action and legal action, to stop further mine expansion,” a news release stated.

Huckleberry Mines Ltd. is 50-50 joint venture of Vancouver-based Imperial Metals Ltd. and a consortium of Japanese firms. Huckleberry vice-president Randall Thompson said if the access road were blocked, the mine would likely have to shut down.

Huckleberry vice-president Randall Thompson said 15 to 18 per cent of the mine’s workforce are aboriginal, but are primarily members of first nations communities nearer the mine. However, he said, one recent contract involved Wet’suwet’en members.

He said company talks broke down after the Wet’suwet’en demanded “first right of refusal” on all future contracts.

“The problem is, we have five First Nations we have to deal with,” Thompson said.

Brian Lee Crowley, executive-director of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, said the threatened blockade in B.C. is a wake-up call for Canadians.

“We think there are lots of examples of rail and road blockades, for example, that are potentially forerunners of much larger conflict if we do not get our act together,” he said in an interview Wednesday.

Bland, a retired lieutenant-colonel and author of a 2009 book about a fictional armed aboriginal insurgency in Canada, wrote that determined young “warriors” could cause huge economic damage by targeting pipelines, ports and key arteries.

“Unfortunately for Canada, the interwoven economic/national resources/transportation matrix is irreversibly vulnerable, as it presents targets that cannot be fully protected.”

In B.C., Bland suggested, ports, oil and gas pipelines, pumping stations, refineries and BC Hydro facilities are potential targets.

Bland argued that a revolt, either “armed or unarmed,” could be far more organized and national in scope than the sporadic and localized acts of violent resistance such as the armed standoff at Oka, Que., in 1990, the confrontation at Gustafsen Lake in B.C. in 1995, a clash between non-native lobster fishermen and the Burnt Church First Nation in New Brunswick in 1999, and the land dispute involving the Six Nations Confederacy in Caledonia, Ont., in 2006.

Assembly of First Nations National Chief Shawn Atleo welcomed as “timely” the two reports, but chose to focus on the second paper that stressed the need for First Nations to get better access to training, jobs and profit-sharing arrangements.

“I certainly welcome these reflections, it really helps put some focus and intention on the requirement for some bold and transformative action,” Atleo said in an interview.

“We should be learning from what happened in Oka, learning from what happened in Burnt Church, in Gustafsen Lake, in Caledonia.”

Despite the tension this week at the Huckleberry mine, the think-tank’s authors portrayed B.C. as a model for the country because of Victoria’s efforts to ensure that first nations share in forestry and mining revenues.

But if more significant progress isn’t made, Bland argued, key infrastructure from coast to coast is vulnerable.

Vulnerable to protests — Potential targets across the country:

Alberta: Oil and gas pipelines, pumping stations, refineries, and coal-carrying railway systems.

Saskatchewan: Pipelines, railways, and key Trans-Canada Highway intersections.

Manitoba: Any road and railway intersections would be vulnerable in Canada’s historic transportation hub, as well as hydroelectric facilities, transmission lines, and the pipeline that supplies Winnipeg’s entire fresh water supply.

Ontario: The province’s major highways, including roads and bridges to the U.S.

Quebec: Hydro-Quebec power generating facilities and transmission lines, bridges near Montreal and Quebec City, highways along the St. Lawrence River, and highways to the U.S. border.

Atlantic Canada: Road and railway approaches to key ports as well as hydroelectric transmission lines from Quebec.

(Source: Macdonald-Laurier Institute)
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 16, 2013 12:17 pm

Indigenous Nations Are at the Forefront of the Conflict With Transnational Corporate Power
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Wednesday, 16 October 2013 09:15
By Kevin Zeese and Margaret Flowers , Truthout | Op-Ed
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January 9, 2013. The Idle No More protests reach Moncton (Canada), as about 200 people march on City Hall in support of First Nations rights. (Photo: Stephen Downes / Flickr)
On Monday, October 7, 2013, indigenous nations and their allies held 70 actions throughout the world proclaiming their sovereignty. The call to action was issued by Idle No more and Defenders of the Land to coincide with the 250th anniversary of the British Royal Proclamation of 1763, which was the first document in which an imperial nation recognized indigenous sovereignty and their right to self-determination. As we wrote last week, treaties with First Nations are not being honored, and even the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples does not adequately recognize the sovereignty of indigenous peoples.
In Canada, where the Idle No More movement was founded, an attack is being waged by the Harper government on the rights of the First Nations. A bill referred to as C-45 weakens laws that protect the land and allows transnational corporations to extract resources from First Nations' lands without their consent. Idle No More was founded on December 10, 2012 (the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights), when Chief Theresa Spence began a hunger strike to protest C-45 on an island across from the Canadian Parliament.
The Idle No More (INM) movement has grown exponentially during the past year to become a worldwide movement. At its core, the INM taps into issues that are essential to all people. INM is a struggle against transnational corporations that collude with governments to allow the exploitation of people and the planet for profit, and it is a struggle for a new economic paradigm. INM is also about facing up to the horrific history of the way that colonizers have abused and disrespected indigenous peoples so that there can be reconciliation and justice and so that the peoples of the world can coexist peacefully. And INM is about the recognition that indigenous peoples are stewards of the Earth and must lead the way to protect the Earth and teach others to do the same.
Throughout the year, there have been teach-ins, round dances, flash mobs and rallies to raise awareness of the ongoing racist and exploitative treatment of indigenous nations as well as the continued decimation of their land to extract resources. There have been long walks, rides and canoe trips to call for healing of the Earth and for the recognition of indigenous sovereignty. And there have been blockades and other nonviolent direct actions to stop further degradation of the planet. INM has already achieved some successes.
Idle No More is an indigenous-led movement, but it is not a movement exclusive to indigenous people. As Clayton Thomas-Muller, an organizer with Defenders of the Land and Idle No More, states, "We understand that the rise of the native rights-based strategic framework as an effective legal strategy supported by a social movement strategic framework is the last best effort not just for Indigenous People but for all Canadians and Americans to protect the commons ... from the for-profit agenda of the neoliberal free market strategists that have taken over our governments ... and indigenous peoples have been thrust into the forefront of global social movements not just because of our connection to the sacredness of Mother Earth and our traditional ecological knowledge and understanding of how to take care of the Earth as part of that sacred circle of life but also because our ancestors ... made sure we had the legal instruments to be able to confront the enemies of today and that is what Idle No More is doing in the US and Canada and across the world where Indigenous People continue to live under occupation and oppression."
Sovereignty is Fundamental in the Struggle for Global Justice
The United States and Canada are two of the wealthiest nations in the world. Much of this wealth comes from the extraction of resources on land that belongs by treaty to Native Indians. Rather than honoring these treaties, the governments of the US and Canada have a long history, which continues today, of using laws and even manipulating the process of creating the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to exterminate indigenous sovereignty.
As the extraction of resources becomes more extreme through processes such as hydro-fracking and tar sands excavation and the serious consequences this has on the health of people and the Earth become more apparent, indigenous nations have realized that their struggle for sovereignty must intensify. The INM movement is one manifestation of this effort.
One of the six core demands of the INM movement is to "Honour the spirit and intent of the historic Treaties. Officially repudiate the racist Doctrine of Discovery and the Doctrine of Terra Nullius, and abandon their use to justify the seizure of Indigenous Nations lands and wealth." This is a particularly appropriate time to reflect on these doctrines as some in the United States celebrate Columbus Day.
Columbus used the Doctrine of Conquest to legitimize seizure of land in the Americas. This doctrine "grants invaders legal title to the lands they conquer." Additionally, the Doctrine of Discovery from the early 1800s allowed colonizers to occupy and claim title to any lands, and their resources, that were not part of the European Christian monarchy. And the Doctrine of Terra Nullius similarly permitted colonizers to occupy and claim land that was not settled according to European standards, such as having an established township.
These doctrines continue today. The Doctrine of Discovery was codified into law by the Supreme Court decision of Johnson v. McIntosh in 1823, which left Native Indians "with the mere 'right' to occupy their ancestral lands, subject to U.S. dominion." And so it is that Native Indians are subjected to policies that continue to allow corporations to extract resources and poison the air, land and water without their consent.
Although the INM movement began in Canada, it has also taken off in the US. And solidarity between Indian Nations in the US and Canada is developing. This summer, the Dakota Nation Unity Ride from Manitoba met up with the Two Row Wampum Renewal Campaign canoe trip in Woodstock, New York, to travel together to the United Nations in New York City. Two Row Wampum is the oldest treaty in North America between an Indian nation, the Haudenosaunee, and a European nation. This summer marked the 400th anniversary, which they highlighted with an epic canoe trip down the Hudson River.
The Two Row Wampum treaty "outlines a mutual, three-part commitment to friendship, peace between peoples, and living in parallel forever (as long as the grass is green, as long as the rivers flow downhill and as long as the sun rises in the east and sets in the west)." The Two Row Wampum campaign seeks to uphold the treaty by creating friendship and peace between all peoples and by working together for a sustainable future, as outlined in their campaign goals. They seek recognition of their laws, the right to self-determination, including living in accordance with their culture and laws, and to be leaders in restoration and stewardship of the Earth.
The Dakota Unity Ride and the Two Row Wampum canoe trip landed in New York City on August 9, which is the International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples. They walked together to the United Nations building, where they met with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, representatives of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and other officials. The UN press statement describes the theme of the meeting as "Indigenous peoples building alliances: honouring treaties, agreements and other constructive arrangements."
This is a positive step, but the fight for sovereignty continues. Sylvia Mcadam, a founder of Idle No More and a professor and author, teaches that sovereignty includes "land, language and culture." It is not just land that has been taken from indigenous peoples but also their language and culture through the forced attendance at residential schools and barriers to access their traditional foods. Mcadam states that her involvement in Idle No More began when she returned to her traditional land with her parents to do research for her current book. She was shocked to see how the land had been developed without consent of the people.
Mcadam reminds us that the First Nations are not a lawless people but that the Creator's Laws are "expressed in everything we do." Colonizers have a lot to learn from Native Indians - not only about caring for the Earth and living in ways that preserve resources for future generations but also about governance. Native Indians are matriarchal societies that practice deep democracy.
While indigenous people describe themselves as people who follow laws, they have suffered injustice on their lands. Last week, a panel of judges at the International Peoples Tribunal on Leonard Peltier issued an executive summary and preliminary findings following three days of testimony from Native Indians who described abuse inflicted by the US government and FBI agents. The tribunal concluded that US laws must be changed in order for FBI agents to be charged for their crimes of assault and murder on Pine Ridge Indian land in South Dakota and elsewhere. Further, the tribunal said justice is dependent on the immediate release of Leonard Peltier.
Non-indigenous groups are working in solidarity with Idle No More and other indigenous groups. For example, the Two Row Wampum campaign, led by the Onondaga Nation, works with Neighbors of the Onondaga Nation. This collaboration is particularly evident in the environmental movement.
Stewardship of the Land, Air and Water
Central to the Idle No More movement is protection of the land, air and water from corporations that steal resources without any regard for the environmental effects. Indigenous Peoples believe that many harmful substances, such as uranium and oils and gases, were put in the ground because they were meant to stay there. They oppose the extreme methods of extraction being used today.
During the past year, often with leadership from indigenous nations, the environmental movements in the US and Canada (and elsewhere around the world) have escalated their tactics to protect the Earth. Their focus has primarily been on stopping the pipelines that carry bitumen from the Alberta Tar Sands and stopping fracking for oil and gas. Throughout the summer, there were numerous direct action campaigns, including Sovereignty Summer and Fearless Summer, which collaborated to blockade roads and equipment to prevent pipeline construction.
We highlight three active campaigns that are being led by indigenous nations: The Red Nation's efforts against an Enbridge pipeline, the Nez Perce fight to stop Megaloads from carrying humongous pieces of equipment through their lands and the Mi'kmaq Warrior Society, which evicted a fracking company, SWN Resources, from its land.
On February 28, Marty Cobenais from the Indigenous Environmental Network led the beginning of an occupation, which included building a sacred fire on top of a pipeline that runs across Red Lake Tribal land in Leonard, Minnesota. The pipeline carries bitumen from the Alberta Tar Sands, which is being mined and poisoning the land of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation in Canada without their consent. The pipeline is owned by Enbridge, and the Red Lake tribal members say that it is illegal. They understood that there was a requirement that if there were a permanent structure over the pipeline it would have to be shut down. Unfortunately, that has not happened, and in fact the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission voted unanimously this summer to allow the pipeline to be expanded to carry more tar sands bitumen even though hundreds attended the hearing in opposition to it.
The occupation is ongoing and is being supported by indigenous and non-indigenous environmental organizations. In October 2013, Winona LaDuke and the Indigo Girls led a weeklong Honour the Earth horseback ride along the route of the pipeline to raise awareness. They are very concerned about spills from the pipeline, which are inevitable. Enbridge has a poor safety record.
Spills have occurred already. In 2002, 48,000 gallons spilled near Cass Lake, Minnesota, and continues to pollute the water table. In 2010, more than 800,000 gallons spilled into the Kalamazoo River in Michigan, and nearly 300,000 gallons remain today. And last year, 50,000 gallons spilled near Grand Marsh, Wisconsin. The pipeline runs through the Straits of Mackinac, which connect Lakes Huron and Michigan, and so it threatens to contaminate large supplies of fresh water.

The Holders of the Light held several Idle No More water-related messages in front of the 2013 Indian Summer Festival's tipi, prominently located on the State Park Island in front of the Indian Summer grounds. (Photo: Light Brigading / Flickr)
A very similar battle is occurring between the Yinka Dene Alliance in British Columbia and Enbridge. There the Yinka Dene is accusing the British Columbia government of violating international law by issuing permits to Enbridge Inc. for drilling and tree removal in their territories along the proposed path for the Northern Gateway pipeline, despite their opposition and the lack of consultation on the proposed pipeline. They made the accusations in a 15-page submission to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Although the fight against Enbridge and the governments that collude with them have not made much progress, the Nez Perce in Idaho have won a significant victory. Last month a judge ordered the prohibition on the use of 100 miles of roadways through tribal lands to transport huge pieces of equipment, called Megaloads, made by General Electric that are used in extracting Canadian tar sands.
Tribal members filed a court case in August to prevent the Megaloads from crossing their land, something that is already illegal but wasn't being enforced. They also blockaded the road in August to prevent passage of a Megaload. During the four-day blockade, eight of nine Nez Perce Tribal Council leaders were arrested.
The judge's decision suspends the passage of Megaloads for now and may be lifted after an impact study is completed. However, another significant aspect of this decision is that the Nez Perce Tribal Council must be involved in future decisions to permit the Megaloads to use roads through their lands.
Another active occupation to protect tribal land is in New Brunswick, where the Elsipogtog have been taking action for months to stop a Houston-based company, SWN Resources, from exploring their land to begin fracking. Tribal members blockaded SWN work trucks throughout the early summer to prevent them from testing the land for potential fracking. In addition to blockading, some of SWN's equipment was destroyed.
There was a temporary peace beginning in late July, when SWN Resources agreed to leave for the summer. Negotiations at that time included dropping charges against 25 of the 35 people who had been arrested. SWN did say it expected to return in September.
When SWN Resources recently attempted to return, it was met with an eviction notice and another blockade, which included a sacred fire. The Elsipogtog First Nation and Mi'kmaq Warrior Society contend that the land being explored was supposed to be held in trust for them but that the Canadian government has done such a poor job of caring for the land that the tribes are concerned whether the land will be able to support them. Along with the eviction notice, they are claiming sovereignty over the land and their responsibility to care for it.
On October 7, in solidarity with the days of action to proclaim indigenous sovereignty, activists in Houston delivered an eviction notice from the Elsipogtog to the office of SWN Resources. Office staff members refused to accept the letter, so it was left on the receptionist's desk and copies were faxed directly to the office. The letter requested a response within 48 hours.
At present, the blockade continues. Some of the chiefs met with David Alward, premier of New Brunswick, but the talks have not been satisfactory. Alward would not allow members of the Mi'kmaq Warrior Society to attend the meetings. The Mi'kmaq Warrior Society is calling for solidarity actions October 18, when they expect SWN to serve a court injunction. The blockade has brought together tremendous support from the surrounding community and tribes across Canada.
Moving Toward Peace and a Healthy Planet for Future Generations
Also on October 7, members of Veterans for Peace and their allies held a ceremony in the Vietnam Veterans' Memorial in New York City to mark the 12th anniversary of the US invasion of Afghanistan and to oppose all wars. As they did last year, the veterans read the names of those who were killed in wars and laid flowers at the base of the memorial. However, this year, the organizer, Tarak Kauff, began the ceremony by recognizing the 500-year war against First Nations and read the names of Native Indian warriors who were killed.
A shift seems to be happening in public awareness of the ongoing effects of colonialism on indigenous peoples and the importance of indigenous leadership in the struggle to heal and protect the Earth. During the past year, the indigenous-led movement in collaboration with non-indigenous allies has grown, and the tactics being employed to protect the land from extreme energy extraction have escalated.
Just as we must abolish imperialism abroad, we must also end it at home. To accomplish this, we must begin by understanding the ongoing 500-year war against Native Indians, and we must begin to speak about it. The Idle No More and other indigenous-led movements seek a peaceful solution that recognizes the sovereignty of indigenous peoples and their laws so that everyone can live in peace. And they understand that if we are to end the practices that are destroying the Earth, we must learn from those who are stewards of the Earth.
It is time for all of us to be Idle No More. We face common opponents - corporations that profit by exploiting people and the planet and the governments who collude with them. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, currently being negotiated, continues this global exploitation of the planet and people by transnational corporate interests. It is time to end imperialism and the neoliberal economic agenda that perpetuates this destructive behavior.
It is time for solidarity, cooperation, reconciliation and restoration of peaceful human relationships and the land, air and water. It is imperative that we act now so our children and future generations will have the opportunity for healthy lives. The future is literally in our hands.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby seemslikeadream » Wed Oct 16, 2013 12:34 pm

It Is Time to Recognize the National Sovereignty and Human Rights of Native IndiansWednesday, 09 October 2013 14:16
By Kevin Zeese and Margaret Flowers , Truthout | Opinion

A Native American pow-wow in Taos, New Mexico, July 12, 2009. (Photo: Jim Nix / Flickr)
Recently we wrote about the need to transform US foreign policy from one that is dominating and militaristic to one that is based on diplomatic relations. US Empire is not sustainable because of its tremendous cost in dollars and its impacts on the environment and lives of people all over the world. We asked if it might be possible to dismantle US Empire in a responsible way that would cause the least harm.
We often think of US Empire acting on the global stage through occupations and wars abroad, but the longest-running manifestation of US imperialism is the illegal occupation of portions of the United States and denial of the sovereignty of Native Indians, which continues today. The brutal history of this occupation and the fact that it is ongoing are largely ignored by most Americans, but awareness and the need for a peaceful resolution are imperative if we are to evolve into a cooperative and just society.
In the past century, efforts by Native Indian nations to achieve recognition of signed treaties have been thwarted. When attempts to use domestic law failed, Native Indian Nations joined with other indigenous nations from around the world to gain recognition under international law. This effort, which took the form of a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in the United Nations, was sabotaged by the United States, Canada and some of their allies.
Charmaine White Face, spokesperson for the Great Sioux Nation Treaty Council, fought for the original declaration written and agreed upon by indigenous nations from around the world after ten years of negotiations. In her new book, Indigenous Nations' Rights in the Balance: An Analysis of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, White Face describes how the original document was significantly altered to avoid recognition of indigenous sovereignty, protection of indigenous culture and the creation of international law to provide enforcement of indigenous rights.
Recently, the United States, which initially voted against it, signed on to the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. While that headline no doubt sounded good, in fact it leaves Native American nations without clearly enforceable legal rights. Without guaranteed legal recourse, they face continued genocide and destruction of their lands.
The time has arrived to understand these facts and to act in solidarity to respect and protect the rights of all people. As Paolo Freire wrote in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, "This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well."
During the past year, the Native Indian movement has been reinvigorated. Idle No More started in Canada and spread throughout the United States. Allied groups, especially those who also are opposed to the extreme methods of extracting energy, are following the lead of Idle No More. On October 7, 2013, Idle No More celebrated an international day to proclaim sovereignty. In this article, we provide some background information about the struggle for sovereignty. Next week we will write about the growing indigenous movement.
Stripping Away Native Indian Rights
When European colonizers arrived on American soil, known as Turtle Island, there was estimated to be more than 100 million Native Indians living here. From the beginning, Native Indians were not treated with respect. Whole communities were massacred, enslaved or forced off of their lands. In the Declaration of Independence, the Native Indians are labeled: "merciless Indian Savages."
White Face notes that the Great Sioux Nation has suffered from the colonization of the United States for the past 150 years. Grandparents, still alive today, can recall stories of battles with the US military. Her relatives participated in the Great Sioux War of 1876, which included the Battle of Little Bighorn or Custer's Last Stand.
The Great Sioux War was the result of violations of the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie by gold miners. The Treaty of Fort Laramie is of continued importance to the Sioux because it grants them ownership of the Black Hills as well as rights in South Dakota, Wyoming and Montana. But education about the treaty was severely suppressed. White Face reports that oral history accounts of those who talked about the treaty include stories of people being taken away and never returning, being jailed or killed, or being taken to Canton, South Dakota, where they underwent lobotomies without the benefit of anesthetics. Knowledge of the treaty was passed down quietly from grandparents to grandchildren, which is how White Face learned about it.
In 1871, the Indian Appropriations Act stripped all Native Indian nations of sovereignty and made individual Native Indians "wards of the state." Sovereignty includes land, language and culture. All of these aspects have been under attack since then.
The US government attempted to eradicate Native Indian languages and cultures and did not allow the practice of their religion. Native Indian children were forced to attend boarding schools, where they were "re-educated" to adopt the English language and customs.
Native Indians continue to face serious threats to their basic existence today because of government policies that allow mining and energy-extraction corporations to pollute their water and land and steal their resources. This has been going on for decades. We wrote in 2013 about the thousands of open pit uranium mines on tribal land throughout the West that are connected to high rates of cancer, birth defects and other serious health conditions.
Native Indians suffer with high levels of incarceration, illiteracy, unemployment, alcoholism and addiction because of polices that have mistreated them since the European colonizers came to North America. One tool used as a weapon against the indigenous people is the rule of law. The story of the formation and passage of the Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples illustrates how this is done. White Face's book describes the process of drafting the agreement and compares three versions of the text, beginning with one drafted and agreed upon by indigenous peoples and ending with one they did not approve or consent to.
The Initial Drafting of the Declaration
It is in the context of violence at the hands of US colonizers, and violations of important legal agreements such as the Treaty of Fort Laramie, that White Face went into the negotiations for the Declaration of Indigenous Rights.
In her book, White Face begins by pointing out that this declaration would not even be needed if the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees the fundamental rights of all human beings, applied to indigenous peoples. Indeed, several international covenants are relevant to the rights of indigenous peoples. Among them are the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which state that all peoples have the right of self-determination by virtue of which they "freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development." Also relevant are covenants against genocide and against racial discrimination.
Beginning in 1984, the Sioux Nation Treaty Council began its involvement in negotiating the Declaration of Indigenous Rights. The UN Working Group on Indigenous Population recognized the need for a declaration to specifically address the distinct rights of indigenous peoples. Many indigenous peoples from around the world participated in a lengthy negotiation to develop the text.
In 1994, after ten years, the Working Group and the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities approved the original language of the declaration. As a next step, it should have been presented to the Commission on Human Rights for approval. However, during the Clinton administration, the United States and other English-speaking nations opposed the language of the declaration. As a result, the agreement that had the approval of a majority of indigenous peoples as well as the UN subcommission was reassigned to a newly created Working Group on the Draft Declaration (WGDD).
There were two articles in particular in the original text that caused the US government to be concerned. First, Article 36 provided for a method for indigenous nations to seek redress for violations under international treaties made between indigenous nations and the United States. That means the Great Sioux Nation could seek redress for violations of the Treaty of Fort Laramie. If that legal agreement had been enforced, it would mean the United States would have to end its illegal occupation of the Black Hills and other treaty territories. The United States might also be required to reimburse the Great Sioux Nation for the destruction of its economy and environment.
Second, under Article 3 of the original declaration, the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples was affirmed. This would have applied to all of the indigenous nations within the United States. This would have meant enforcement of numerous treaties with Indian nations that have been routinely violated by the US.
Rather than recognize the rights of indigenous peoples, the US worked to ensure their rights were not recognized by opposing the draft and requiring it be sent to the new Working Group on the Draft Declaration for review.
Rewriting the Declaration
As a result of opposition from the English-speaking colonizer countries, especially the United States, the original declaration was sent to the new Working Group in 1994. Working groups of the UN normally hold their meetings for no more than five years. Standard procedure dictates that if the WGDD had not reached agreement in five years, then the original text would go to the Commission on Human Rights for approval. Instead, the WGDD continued to debate for six more years and still never reached consensus.
White Face was chosen as spokesperson for the Great Sioux Nation Treaty Council in 2002, taking the place of Antoine "Tony" Black Feather, who served as the spokesman from 1984 to 2002. Black Feather had taken White Face under his wing in 1999 and mentored her in all aspects of the work. Black Feather explained to White Face that no changes should be made from the original text because it had taken years of negotiation to achieve consensus. Black Feather died in 2004.
In September 2004, the chairperson-rapporteur, Louis Enrique Chavez, announced his intention to present his own chairperson's text to the Commission on Human Rights for passage. To preserve the original text that had been agreed upon by indigenous negotiators, a group of six negotiators began a hunger strike and prayer fast. One of the six was White Face. She was joined by a Seminole nation representative and a Yaqui nation representative from the United States, a Buffalo River Dene nation representative from Canada, a Zapoteca representative from Mexico and Kali'a from French Guyana.
The hunger strike and prayer session ended after five days when a promise was made that if no agreement was reached on a new text by December 2004 then the original text would be submitted to the full commission. Instead, between November 2004 and July 29, 2006, the UN abolished the Commission on Human Rights and created a UN Human Rights Council. No reason was given for the change, but one rumor was that the US opposition to the original text and the subcommission's preliminary approval was the reason. The new council disregarded the promise made as a result of the hunger strike-prayer fast.
Chavez wrote the version of the declaration that the new Human Rights Council considered. The chairman's text did not have the approval of the indigenous peoples or the states that took part in the drafting of the original declaration. Nor did it have the approval of the people participating in the debates before the WGDD. Thus, the chairman not only violated the agreement of the hunger strike but also violated the rules of the UN's negotiation and approval process.
This final version was neither approved nor even discussed by indigenous people and nations. While 144 countries voted in favor of the declaration, four countries - Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States - voted against it. Notably, each is a former British colony and has large nonindigenous settler majorities and only small indigenous populations, which have all suffered under colonizers.
All four countries were concerned that the declaration could reopen treaty disputes and provide a legal basis for indigenous peoples to reclaim land now owned by colonizers and to seek redress for the theft of resources and the resulting environmental destruction. Since then, all four countries have moved to endorse the declaration.
The United States, home to more than 2 million Native Indians, with 565 federally recognized Indian tribes and other indigenous communities, was the last to approve the declaration. The United States announced its support for the declaration on December 16, 2010. President Obama made the announcement with a great deal of pomp and circumstance at an event in Washington, DC, where tribal leaders gathered. However, the United States noted the declaration was not legally binding, writing, "The United States supports the Declaration, which - while not legally binding or a statement of current international law - has both moral and political force." It should be noted that there are lawyers and case law that dispute this conclusion and see the declaration as creating legal power for indigenous peoples.
Small Changes have a Broad Impact
A comparison of the three versions of the declaration - the version agreed to by the indigenous negotiators, the Human Rights Commission version and the final version approved by the General Assembly in 2007 - shows the critical differences that change the meaning and tenor of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This document, which contains 23 preambular clauses and 46 articles, affects the rights of the planet's 370 million indigenous peoples and sets out their individual and collective rights, as well as their rights to culture, identity, language, employment, health, education and other issues.
The first preambular paragraph was added without any review by the indigenous negotiators. It talks about "the obligations assumed by States." White Face points out that it should have focused on the human rights of indigenous peoples and that the declaration sets a frame of native people being dependent on colonizing nations for their human rights rather than possessing the same inalienable rights as all human beings. This condescending tone sets the stage for many of the other changes between the original draft and the final declaration.
In addition to adding a paragraph that changed the tone and purpose of the declaration, they deleted a preamble paragraph that expressed some of the most basic purposes of the declaration: "Recognizing also that indigenous peoples have the right freely to determine their relationship with States in a spirit of coexistence, mutual benefit and full respect." And they deleted an article the indigenous saw as essential: "Indigenous peoples have the collective and individual right to maintain and develop their distinct identities and characteristics, including the right to identify themselves as indigenous and to be recognized as such." Assimilation into the colonizers' culture still seems to be the goal.
Phrases like "dignity and rights" - which were central to the purpose of the document - are deleted from the original and not included in the final declaration. When injustices are discussed in the original text, they are described as ongoing violations. But in the final declaration, they are "historic injustices" that occurred in the past. Similarly when discussing the need to demilitarize the lands and territories of indigenous peoples and nations, the final draft describes this as if it is resolved, while the original refers to the "need for demilitarization" because it continues to be an issue.
One repeated change is the removal of the word nation from the original draft. The United States seeks to avoid using nations when referring to indigenous lands and territories. This is a conscious attempt to undermine indigenous sovereignty.
A constant problem in the declaration is that it contains many directives but provides no method of enforcement. And although the original version made it clear that the "arrangements between States and indigenous peoples are properly matters of international concern," the final draft changed it to "are in some situations, matters of international concern" thereby limiting the role of international review.
A problem that has plagued Native Indians for a long time is the removal of children from their homes. In the original text, one article prohibited "the removal of indigenous children from their families and communities under any pretext." The final version inserted the word "forcible" before removal and deleted "under any pretext." White Face writes that this "is very ominous, since colonizers devise all sorts of excuses and pretexts to kidnap Indigenous children and place them under non-Indigenous control."
The weakening of article after article is a constant in the revisions. The examples given here show how the consistent goals were to undermine sovereignty, prohibit the treatment of indigenous rights as inalienable, treat the indigenous as wards of the state and prevent legal means for redress.
The Ongoing Struggle
As she went through process, White Face wanted to scream, "This is not about the fights of indigenous peoples, but a collection of mandates for the states that will not be enforced."
The rule of law with no clear enforcement, created in a process that undermined the original intent and mandate of the declaration, becomes a tool for the colonizers to avoid their responsibility.
Gabriel Galanda wrote in Indian Country in January 2012 that "the United States still routinely violates Indian treaty rights and sovereignty." He pointed out that President Obama speaks well about Indians but uses the "rule of law" to undermine indigenous rights: "What is disturbing about this administration's approach to Indian country is that it professes to honor tribal sovereignty - the president recently said he's 'got our back' - while employing increasingly sophisticated legal and political tools to undermine inherent and reserved tribal rights."
In the past two years, there has been a reawakening and tremendous growth of the First Nations and Native Indian rights movements. They have become a guidepost for many non-Native environmental justice activists who look to them for leadership and guidance. The effort continues for recognition that indigenous peoples share the universal rights that all humans share. The historic prejudice and destruction of their culture and land will begin to be corrected only when their sovereignty is respected. These are aspirations that remain unfulfilled, but the struggle to achieve them continues.
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Carol Newquist » Wed Oct 16, 2013 12:55 pm

Yes, the plebs of the north american indigenous nations, like us plebs of other non-indigenous nations, are being exploited. But they're not only being exploited by the Canadian Government, but also by their own governance. So they're getting doubly abused. Giving the leaders of these nations more money when they've proven they're corrupt and not spending it fairly and equitably is not a prudent decision. A prudent and effective cause would be to make them full-fledged citizens of the countries on which their land resides and to set that land up as their heritage land protected from any and all commercial activity that would otherwise harm the habitat, i.e. fracking and oil sands excavation. But that's not going to happen if the entire population of plebs on all continents don't work in tandem to liberate all plebs everywhere from the layers of tyranny that abound. I'm posting a link to an article on this, and then I'm quoting a comment. The poster raises some good points, but he falls short because he leaves the plebs of these north american indigenous nations hanging. He doesn't go far enough. Yes, you don't keep paying crooks, but that doesn't resolve the issue that the plebs tyrannized and fleeced by these crooks are destitute and need to be liberated from impoverishment. All sovereignty will do for these crooks is allow them to share further in the spoils of invited industries that ravage the land.

http://www.vice.com/read/what-exactly-is-idle-no-more

John MacDonald · Chalk River, Ontario

the REAL story here, that Chief Spence didn't think would garner any attention, was the outright theft & mistreatment of aboriginal peoples by its own ruling elite. Spence's, community of @ 1300 has received an estimated $125M in 5 years, of which, $104M is untraceable in its expenditures by the 3 chiefs & 19 local band officials in the reserve. Her own live-in boyfriend makes $850 a day from the reserve. They could afford to buy & fly in a new Zamboni ice cleaner, but cannot seem to get enough funds to build houses. Canadian citizens no longer feel they should be held accountable for perceived sins of long dead conquest, or current sins of the aboriginals against themselves. Throwing more tax money at your elders/leaders to further line their pockets while their own people freeze in tar paper shacks is not the Gov or taxpayers fault. @$8Billion went to the Indian & Northern Affairs last FY. This is NOT about mistreatment of these people by the Gov & its people, it is about greed & not being held accountable for their own actions.

Reply · 1 · · January 13 at 12:22pm
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Re: Idle No More

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Thu Oct 17, 2013 1:49 pm

Is Idle No More related to the New Brunswick blockade violence today? Raw media on Twitter was f'ing impressive, looks like a barely contained war zone there right now.
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Re: Idle No More

Postby peartreed » Thu Oct 17, 2013 2:00 pm

The Idle No More movement in Canada is across the country and now across the continent, manifesting now in the NB blockade.

There’s corruption everywhere, in all societies, and the indigenous community is no exception. The only protection from that is a fair judicial system with enforcement.

That can be incorporated into operational sovereignty, much like the ICC is a cross-jurisdictional system capable of protecting and policing the inalienable rights of all people, if only all federal jurisdictions would allow it. Unfortunately, neither Canada nor the United States will comply with the ICC because to do so would cede the control of enforcing existing treaty rights already in place to guarantee sovereignty for the native nations. The last thing federal governments in North America want to do is to live up to their own historical, formally negotiated agreements and treaties.

Federal citizenship can also logistically co-exist with sovereignty as evidenced in the international operations of the United Nations and its agencies. That can provide the common and equal distribution of institutional protections and services to all.

What is preventing the already-negotiated and guaranteed sovereignty to the indigenous people is venal government greed and hypocrisy to control all resources and their ongoing exploitation for economic profit, and to do so unencumbered by former commitments and promises made in the manipulative conquest of natives.

The subjugation of indigenous people continues as the consistent path of history.
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