Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby seemslikeadream » Sat Oct 05, 2019 6:12 pm

@BS

it's a shame you are so displeased
Mazars and Deutsche Bank could have ended this nightmare before it started.
They could still get him out of office.
But instead, they want mass death.
Don’t forget that.
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sat Oct 05, 2019 7:32 pm

American fascist exceptionalism?: “What’s Left?” September 2019 (MRR #436)

I’m in the middle of a three-part series on Third Positionism, a type of “red/brown” politics that claims to “go beyond Left and Right.” Those politics are dead serious about mixing far left and far right elements into a confusing new type of Fascism that, in the case of Perónism for instance, attempted to fuse extreme nationalism with pro-working class initiatives. Third Positionism might prove as baffling as my reaction to Tony, but it’s nevertheless genuine. Let’s talk instead about deliberate obfuscation by the far right in throwing up ambiguous slogans, symbols, memes, texts, ideas, etc., calculated to muddy any political or social discourse.

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In Spencer Sunshine’s unpublished piece “Industrial Nazi Camouflage,”* he discusses the evolution of the industrial music scene, noted for its fascination with the taboo and transgressive. Warning that it’s never a good idea to play with Nazi imagery because you can’t control how such imagery is interpreted, Sunshine is intent on figuring out who in the industrial music scene was innocently flirting and who loved Nazism, who was being ironic and who was offering a sophisticated critique, who was obsessed and who was willing to commit, who believed in fascism theoretically and who was engaged in fascist activism. He periodizes that scene into a time when individuals and bands were fascinated with but not yet committed to Nazism, to active Nazi participation between 1986 to 1996, and finally to lying profusely about those involvements back in the day as well as their current fascist commitments. Ultimately, Sunshine suggests that if you can’t tell whether something is genuine or a joke, or someone is being upfront or engaged in camouflage, does it really matter?

Treat it all as fascism or fascist adjacent is what I say.


Read more: https://leftyhooligan.wordpress.com/201 ... 9-mrr-436/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby chump » Sun Oct 06, 2019 4:05 pm

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Thu Oct 17, 2019 11:13 am

Where Is The Love? 20 Years Of Fight Club

Steve Erickson , October 4th, 2019 09:29

Looking back on David Fincher's now cult picture Fight Club 20 years later, there's much to be uncovered about the story's diffused queerness and the sexual blockage the film describes, finds Steve Erickson

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Chuck Palahniuk came out as gay in 2004. The clues are everywhere both in his book and Fincher’s film. In its opening minutes, the film cuts from the Narrator’s first mention of Marla (Helena Bonham Carter), the only substantial female character, to his embrace of Bob (Meat Loaf) at a support group for men with testicular cancer. The Narrator describes Bob’s “bitch tits”, which have developed as a result of his castration. We see little of this group, but the film mocks its embrace of sensitive masculinity. The idea that men should express their emotions is tied to them literally having their balls removed. The Narrator explains, “Bob loved me because he thought my testicles were removed too.”

Is Bob gay? Much later on, he joins Fight Club and sings its praises to the Narrator after running into him by chance on the street. The rules of Fight Club resemble a description of the closet: “The first rule of Fight Club is you do not talk about Fight Club.” These could be men talking about a gay bar before it was possible to speak openly about it. The homoeroticism of the relationship between Tyler and the Narrator is so obvious that it’s played for laughs, with references to sitcom couple Ozzie and Harriet. The final third’s darker overtones are foreshadowed by a scene where the Narrator lies in the hospital, getting stitched up after a fight. Tyler makes the same excuse as an abusive partner might, by saying that his friend fell down the stairs.

But of course, all this homoeroticism leads nowhere because Tyler and the Narrator are revealed to be the same person. This, and much of Bob’s storyline as well as the violence suffered by other members of various fight clubs, reinforces the long-running homophobic suggestion that gayness is inherently narcissistic.

The film could have taken other angles to continue its antihero’s queer path. But Bob and Angel Face (Jared Leto), a Fight Club cultist who can scrap but equally spends a lot of time trying to look pretty, get sidelined by the film. The man without testicles and huge breasts gets killed by a cop, after Project Mayhem sabotages a public sculpture of a giant ball. The Narrator feels threatened by his desire for Angel Face, whose femininity is signaled by his bleached blonde hair and eyebrows. In the film’s most brutal scene, the Narrator physically beats Angel Face till his face is a river of blood. The next time we see Angel Face, he’s still alive, but his left eye is entirely swollen shut, his nose seems to be broken and most of his face resembles a gruesome wound in the early stages of healing. The Narrator’s fear of his capacity for gayness leads him towards violence.

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https://thequietus.com/articles/27232-f ... nniversary
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Thu Oct 17, 2019 11:33 pm

https://threewayfight.blogspot.com/2019 ... hismo.html

Review of “Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo” by Petronella Lee

By Matthew N Lyons |  Thursday, October 17, 2019 

An important new zine analyzes fascist gender politics and argues that antifascism needs to include feminism at its core.

Image In recent years, the appalling misogyny found in and around the U.S. far right has started to get more attention, but it still tends to be treated as secondary to the movement’s white supremacism and racial politics. Petronella Lee tackles this problem head on in a new zine titled Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo: Gender, Politics, and the Struggle Against Fascism(published online by North Shore Counter-Info, an anarchist news platform in Southern Ontario, and in pamphlet form by The Tower InPrint in Hamilton).

Lee argues that we need to recognize misogyny as “a fundamental pillar of contemporary far-right politics,” and that to defeat fascism we need to go beyond “the choice between a pacifying liberal feminism of ‘pussy hats’ and ‘protective policing,’ [and] a reductive anti-fascism defined by machismo and sexism.” At 13,000 words and with 174 endnotes, Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo is an important new work of radical scholarship, which weaves together the ideas and findings of many scholars, activists, and researchers (myself included).

Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo is divided into three sections. Part One analyzes the gender politics of current-day U.S. fascist movements, with a particular emphasis on the alt-right and its relationship with the cluster of anti-feminist online communities known as the manosphere. Lee argues that misogyny on the internet “operates as a stepping stone” and has led “many insecure, marginalized, and otherwise struggling men to broader fascistic politics.” Far right groups share certain basic premises, specifically that “gender is determined by nature, gender differences are immutable, and a clear gender hierarchy where men dominate and rule exists (and is desirable).” But within these parameters, Lee emphasizes, current-day fascists also disagree in important ways: “some argue for the complete banishment of women from the public sphere, while others argue that (white) women have a role to play in the white nationalist movement. ...some argue for the extermination of all queers, while others argue (and even celebrate) the inclusion of openly gay men.”

Part One also looks at how gender politics has been used to bolster white supremacy, both historically and within contemporary fascism, with fears of men of color supposedly threatening white women used to justify racist violence. Recently, some far rightists have also positioned themselves as defending LGBTQ people against supposed threats from immigrants and Muslims. In this discussion, Lee criticizes many feminists and LGBTQ activists for calling for safety for women and queers in ways that sometimes play into racist assumptions and end up bolstering white supremacy.

Part Two of Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo traces some of the history of women’s resistance to fascism. Lee argues that many accounts ignore or gloss over women’s antifascist activism, based on the assumption (which many male-led antifascist groups have shared with fascists) that “women could not be autonomous political subjects.” This section details many counter-examples drawn particularly from histories in Ethiopia, Spain, and Yugoslavia. In the Spanish Civil War, Lee argues, “women essentially found themselves in a struggle on three fronts – fighting against fascism, fighting to push antifascist forces towards a revolutionary orientation, and then finally, fighting to make revolutionary forces take seriously gender liberation.”

In Part Three, Lee offers a framework on which a feminist antifascism can be built, consisting of a series of lessons or general principles drawn from the history of women’s antifascist resistance. These include, for example, a recognition that feminism and gender liberation must be “a non-negotiable component” of antifascism, that we can learn a lot from “anti-racist and anti-colonial resistance traditions [not] commonly associated with anti-fascism,” and that antifascism should be seen as one part of a broader revolutionary struggle. More specifically, Lee argues that antifascists should reject a narrow focus on physical fighting and a narrow concept of fighting as something that men do. All sorts of people have fought and can fight, and a strong resistance movement has to foster and value a wide variety of strategies and tactics, activities and spaces – welcoming and valuing people of not only different genders but also different ages and abilities.

In the Conclusion, Lee delineates eloquently between an antifascism oriented toward machismo (characterized by bravado, “dogmatic combativity,” individualism, and lack of strategy) and one oriented toward militancy (which seeks to build “the comfort and capacity for more women and queers to take part” in combat, while viewing combat as just one part of a multi-sided struggle).

I found very little to criticize in Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo. Here and there Lee touches on some points where I wished for more in-depth treatment. In Part One, for example, there’s passing mention that “changes in capitalism” are fueling the rise of misogynistic, far right politics. That’s a huge point, but it’s really beyond the scope of this particular work, and the text that Lee quotes from about it (Bromma’s Exodus and Reconstruction) is an excellent starting point for exploring it further. Indeed, many of the citations and notes will be helpful for those who want to delve deeper. Anti-Fascism Beyond Machismo doesn’t need to be definitive or comprehensive to do its job. Petronella Lee’s new zine is compelling and important, and I hope many antifascists will read, discuss, and act on it.
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Tue Oct 22, 2019 3:25 pm

What is Red-Brownism?

One term you may sometimes hear in socialist circles is “red-brownism.” In this color scheme, the red refers to socialism, and the brown refers to fascism — the implication being that someone bridges fascist and socialist politics. The most overt example of this is a NazBol or National Bolshevik, a movement that originally started essentially as Nazism for people who idolize Stalin instead.

This phenomenon is not new. In Nazi Germany, the Strasser Brothers, Gregor and Otto Strasser, promoted a strain of thought in the Nazi Party along these ideological lines, hoping to appeal to members of communist and socialist parties prior to when those groups were targeted for repression. These were sometimes called “beefsteak Nazis.”

Contemporary commentators might try to equate it to the so-called “horseshoe theory,” which suggests that going too far left or right brings one to a similar point. Red-brownism does not validate this theory. Rather, it may better be thought of as a form of marketing, infiltration, and recruitment targeted towards those on the opposite end of the spectrum.

Many modern fascist movements are influenced by the works of Aleksandr Dugin, whose Fourth Political Theory advocates such syncretism as its core ideology. Though passing itself off as different than fascism, decrying Hitler as having gone to too great an extreme, the reality is that the ultranationalist, traditionalist ethnostates it advocates are not radically different.

This line of thinking is often subversive. Many socialists follow the commentary of Glenn Greenwald and Michael Tracey, who have developed a recent reputation for appearing regularly on Tucker Carlson, whose political views are fascistic. These appearances usually consist of them all happily gloating together at some mistake on the part of liberalism — which often invites parts of the socialist left to partake as well.

Read more: https://medium.com/@existentialenso/wha ... a67b40fe46





American Dream » Thu Oct 25, 2018 9:03 am wrote:Hitler in Brasilia: The U.S. Evangelicals and Nazi Political Theory Behind Brazil's President-in-waiting

Mix up fascist geopolitics, Pat Robertson's LGBT hate, Bannon's nationalism and Putin's shills and you get Jair Bolsonaro, who's nostalgic for the U.S.-backed dictatorship that tortured and killed thousands of leftists - and he's about to come to power

Alexander Reid Ross
Oct 25, 2018 2:08 PM


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Demonstrators hold posters comparing Brazilian right-wing presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro to Adolf Hitler. Sao Paulo, Brazil, on October 20, 2018

The return of geopolitics in the 1980's and ’90s accompanying the dissolution of the Soviet Union, became part of the triumphal narrative of North Atlantic supremacy, but its advocates rarely examined its roots in radical conservatism.

While the renascent geopolitics accommodated geo-strategy and more liberal understandings of international relations, those who proclaimed geopolitics in its original form largely came from the so-called Nouvelle Droite, a network of far-right ideologues committed to reproducing the conditions for the re-emergence of fascism in Europe.

It was in these circles that the Russian fascist, Alexander Dugin, learned about geopolitics while residing in Western Europe, injecting its fundamental precepts into Russia’s chaotic political environment through his 1997 text, "Foundations of Geopolitics." In his strange book that advances occult myths of an Aryan super-race, Dugin concluded that geopolitics tended toward his own brand of fascism.

Happy to turn a blind eye to its fascist core, Dugin’s ideology was spread with the aid of his numerous connections, from the General Staff of the Russian Armed Services to "Orthodox oligarch" Konstantin Malofeev, one of the major backers of the international far-right Christian network, the World Congress of Families.


Read more: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/.pre ... -1.6581924
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 01, 2019 12:08 pm

Anti-feminism: the place where Infowars and Counter Punch go to shake hands

It is a scary day when, in the beginning of a historical political crisis in the US, the white supremacists’ anti-women and pro-Trump sentiments, expressed in alt-right websites like Alex Jones’ Infowars and WND, are shared and echoed in so-called leftists sites like Counter Punch, Black Agenda Report (BAR), World Socialist Website (WSWS) and Information Clearing House, and OpedNews, to mention just a few...


Read: https://crazyusaelections.wordpress.com ... ake-hands/
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