Democracy Is Direct

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Re: Democracy Is Direct

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 30, 2018 8:55 pm


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P6ENH8N672Y

If you could change anything, what would you change? Would you
go on vacation for the rest of your life? Make fossil fuels stop causing
climate change? Ask for ethical banks and politicians? Surely nothing
could be more unrealistic than to keep everything the way it is and
expect different results.

Our private financial and emotional struggles mirror global
upheaval and disaster. We could spend the rest of our days trying to
douse these fires one by one, but they stem from the same source. No
piecemeal solution will serve; we need to rethink everything according
to a different logic.

To change anything, start everywhere.


https://sub.media/video/to_change_everything/
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Re: Democracy Is Direct

Postby American Dream » Sun Oct 13, 2019 12:40 pm

The “Network” Case and the Fascist Future Everywhere

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AntiNote: Just days after the speeches featured here were delivered, the string of arrests and torture of anarchists in Russia continued. Meanwhile, the first “Network” trials approach, and solidarity and legal defense efforts are still building.

Check out the above links and those at the end of this post for more context on these specific depredations of the Russian state. But we are reproducing these speeches here now, several months later, because of the broader historical observations within them. They help us glimpse both a past and a future, neither of which is pretty, and which many leftists and liberals, both inside and outside Russia, seem unwilling to face.

Let us please pay heed to this testimony as the “multi-polar” fascist Internationale continues to gather force—perhaps then we can begin to resist rather than get swept up in its current.

We have to understand that this Russian case is not a far-away exotic reality. If twenty years ago the image of the post-Soviet world was one of “catching up” with the so-called “West,” the imagination draws an absolutely opposite picture today: post-Soviet Russia is the future of Western Europe.


More than 150 people marched through the East End of London on Saturday, 19 January 2019, to voice solidarity with antifascists in Russia. 19 January was the tenth anniversary of the killing in Moscow of two prominent Russian antifascists – Stanislav Markelov, a lawyer, and Anastasia Baburova, a journalist. The date was marked by demonstrations in Moscow, St Petersburg, Kyiv and other cities in Russia and Ukraine.

The event expressed solidarity with eleven Russian antifascists who have been tortured in detention after their arrests in the so-called “Network” case. These young people have been beaten up, struck repeatedly with electric shockers (like cattle prods), hung upside down and suffocated by security services officers.

The London event started at the Cable Street mural, which commemorates the “battle of Cable Street” in 1936, when the fascists were driven out of the East End. It ended at Altab Ali Park, named after a young Bangladeshi textile worker killed by fascists in 1978.

Right-wing radicalism grows from social injustice, M. from Russia said to the marchers in a speech before they set out. “As long as we have rich and poor, people will be angry,” he said. Those in power try to turn that anger against refugees and migrants; we need to turn that anger against the people in power.

Rosa, another Russian comrade, said the “Network” case was seen by many in Russia as “a contemporary caricature of a Stalinist show trial.” It is a manifestation of an “‘antifascist’ fascism” that “the Russian state is also promoting abroad.” The Russian state “tries to appear as a decolonial counter-power to US hegemony in the world […] it is this ‘antifascist’ fascism that also led the Russian state to Syria.” [Speeches in full below.]

Olesya, from Ukraine, told the demonstrators about the campaign to release about a hundred Ukrainian political prisoners in Russia, including the filmmaker and writer Oleg Sentsov, and anarchist activist Oleksandr Kolchenko, from Crimea. She spoke of the terrifying similarity between the methods of torture used against them, and the methods used in the “Network” case. We need to build solidarity between different campaigns that have a target in common, the Russian government, she said.

Dimitris from Greece said that rightwing radicalism was using issues such as the re-naming of Macedonia to mobilize large street demonstrations. Thugs from such a rally had attacked and destroyed a squatted social center, Libertatia, in Thessaloniki last year. An evening benefit gig raised funds both for the “Network” case defense and to support Libertatia.

A message of support from the Jewish Socialist Group extended “solidarity to those fighting repression” in Russia today, from “Jewish socialists in Britain today, many of whom are descended from families who emigrated or fled to London’s East End from discrimination and oppression in the Tsarist Russian Empire, and as political descendants of the Bund – the Jewish workers’ movement that fought for a better Russia.”

The London event was supported by: Anarchist Communist Group, Anarchist Federation, Brighton Anti-Fascists, Bristol Anti-Fascists, Brazilian Women against Fascism, Feminist Fightback, Labour Briefing, London Anti-Fascists, London Anarchist Black Cross, North London Anti-Fascists, Plan C London and RS21. —Gabriel Levy

* * *

Speech by Rosa, a Russian comrade

We gather here to express our solidarity with eleven Russian antifascists and anarchists arrested in a fabricated case between October 2017 and February 2018 in Russia.

It has been brought to light that some of the defendants were tortured by the Russian security service officers, and forced to learn by heart testimony to incriminate themselves, to admit to belonging to a terrorist organization “The Network.”

The Russian Federal Security Service tortured some of the defendants in minibuses, and in solitary confinement cells in the investigating officers’ premises. They applied naked wires to the activists’ various body parts and turned the electricity on. They beat them up, and hung them upside down.

One of the defendants said that he was tortured in the minibus for about five hours, until he was able to recite a statement confessing to crimes. His bloodstained hat and trousers, which the defense demanded be put into the case file, suddenly disappeared.

The “Network” case defendants are awaiting trial in 2019.

State violence against anarchists and anti-fascists, the criminalization of any kind of protest activity in general and of the radical left in particular, is not something new in Russia. Even the fabrication of cases is a very well-known strategy.

We saw a similar level of repression after one of the biggest demonstrations in Russia since the 1990s, on May 6, 2012 at Bolotnaya square in Moscow. Back then, more than thirty people, including antifascists and anarchists, were officially accused of an alleged massive riot and alleged violence against police.

Back then, an international campaign of solidarity helped to release some of them from prison and significantly reduce their prison terms.

What is new in the “Network” case is the use of torture and a fabricated narrative about a radical underground, which to many in Russia appear as a contemporary caricature of a Stalinist show trial.

It is a caricature, because nowadays, the Russian security services do not recognize a difference between the fascists and the antifascists. In April 2018, a Russian state TV channel showed a documentary about the “Network” case, in which a narrator claims that the “Network” was modeled on the Ukrainian far-right organization “Right Sector.”

It is this fascist “antifascism” that the Russian state is also promoting abroad. It frightens the Western public with the Ukrainian fascists, and tries to appear as a decolonial counter-power to US hegemony in the world.

It is this “antifascist” fascism that also led the Russian state to Syria. And it is this “antifascist” fascism that tries to blur the difference between the left and the right by all means, and between a plotted conspiracy and a real protest.

However, we have to understand that this Russian case is not a far-away exotic reality. If twenty years ago the image of the post-Soviet world was one of “catching up” with the so-called “West,” the imagination draws an absolutely opposite picture today: post-Soviet Russia is the future of Western Europe, the shameful future of a capitalist society that went through a series of geopolitical, economic, and political crises, severe austerity measures, and a rapid dismantling of the welfare state.

The deeper the economic crisis is, the more aggressive the response of the state to activism is; the more severe the cuts and austerity measures are, the more brutal the forms of racialization of the poor and criminalization of protest are.

And the less we resist such policies as “Prevent” in schools and at universities, the less we resist racist abuse at the workplace and on the streets, the less we resist the rise of the far-right and xenophobia in Europe, the greater the consequences are.

All of the brutalities mentioned can be legitimized by law. And they may well be interpreted in such a way that we will soon be able to see some bureaucrat at work, concocting stories about radicalization, the underground, and the conspiracy against the state.

We’ve been told that there are West and East, we and they, democracy and barbarity, the developed and the developing countries, mature capitalism and wild capitalism.

But the rhetoric of “catching-up capitalism” masks from the very beginning one simple and unattractive fact: since the countries of the former Eastern Bloc became a part of global capitalism, they showed all the features and the future of neoliberal modernity in advance.

In this capitalist train of “catching up” ideology, post-Soviet Russia is the passenger who is running ahead: it shows the brutality of what is to come if no one is going to stop this train.

Solidarity with the Russian antifascists is the solidarity against the brutality of this crushing train.



More: https://antidotezine.com/2019/04/09/the ... verywhere/
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Re: Democracy Is Direct

Postby American Dream » Wed Oct 30, 2019 7:52 am

DALE STREET: LIONS LED BY JACKALS – STALINISM IN THE INTERNATIONAL BRIGADES
October 30th, 2019

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Dale Street:

Lions Led by Jackals – Stalinism in the International Brigades

Alliance for Workers’ Liberty, January 2016, no ISBN]


This 40-page A4 pamphlet published by the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty traces the history of the International Brigades by way of sifting through the trove of documents from the Communist International’s archives of the International Brigades, which have recently been made available online. These offer interesting insights into the structure of the Brigades as well as the histories and motivations of those who joined them.

The International Brigades (IB) were troops set up by the Communist International who fought in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) on the side of the Republican forces against the fascist military coup led by General Franco and supported by Italy and Germany. The primary motivation of many members was to “fight fascism”, which showed a high level of individual and collective courage. Many certainly thought that they were, while fighting against fascism, also fighting for communism. They were about to be disappointed. As Street writes, “The goal of the Popular Front [Republican] government, which included representatives of the Spanish Communist Party, was not working-class revolution, but defense of bourgeois power and property relations” […] “Confronted with the greatest working-class insurrection in Europe since the October Revolution, Stalinism sought to demobilise and confine that insurrection to the limits of a “bourgeois-democratic revolution’”. The International Brigades were disbanded by the Republican government in 1938.

[Read more →]
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Re: Democracy Is Direct

Postby American Dream » Fri Nov 01, 2019 11:49 am

https://www.fifthestate.org/archive/401 ... -politics/

Red-Brown Politics
Anarchists Must Not Take the Bait


by Bill Weinberg
Fifth Estate # 401, Summer 2018



Fascists are seeking to exploit and co-opt anti-war forces in the US, and build support for war criminals like Assad and Putin. Anarchists have a responsibility to reject such overtures and offer solidarity to those resisting in Syria.

Following the chemical gas attack on the rebel-held Syrian city of Douma in April, Trump staged retaliatory air-strikes, and a protest against the U.S. military actions was held in Los Angeles.

The march featured placards displaying portraits of Syrian leader Bashar Assad and slogans supporting the genocidal dictator including, “As-sad is protecting civilians; he is not bombing his own people.”

Where else have we seen such open support for Assad? At the neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, that saw deadly violence last August. One figure on the scene was white nationalist David Duke, who proclaimed on Twitter, “Civilized world stands with Assad.”

Video dips from Charlottesville show an alt-right mouthpiece, Anthime “Tim” Gionet, more commonly known as Baked Alaska, saying to the camera with his buddies, “Assad’s the man, brother! Two chemical bombs would have solved this whole ISIS business!” A sentiment less hypocritical than that of the supposed anti-war marchers in Los Angeles.

There was even overlap between the two rallies. Baked Alaska appeared in a selfie-video at the anti-war march in L.A. Eventually, some marchers got wise and chased him off, but they do not appear to have been from the ANSWER Coalition, the main march organizers.

There is a definite convergence underway between the anti-war left and the alt-right (or fascist right, to be less euphemistic) around support for Assad—part of a phenomenon termed Red-Brown politics. That is the phrase used by its advocates in Europe: the notion of an alliance between the left and fascism against the liberal order and the West. You do not have to be a supporter of the liberal order and the West to recognize this as an incredibly dangerous idea.

Yet, it has been building for some time. After the first big chemical attack in Syria, at Ghouta in 2013, two prominent figures on the U.S. left made junkets to Syria to express support for the regime: Cynthia McKinney, a former congress member and Green Party presidential candidate, and former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, both leading lights of the International Action Center. The IAC is one of several entities on the anti-war left in the U.S., including ANSWER, to emerge from the Workers World Party (WWP), a Stalinist sect now the foremost stateside purveyor of Red-Brown politics.

The next person of note to make a Syria junket, attending a confab hosted by the Assad regime the following year, was Nick Griffin of the British National Party—the neo-fascist formation that is harnessing xenophobia in the UK.

And various European National Socialist organizations have sent brigades to Syria to fight for Assad.

In 2017, U.S. Congressional Representative Tulsi Gabbard, a Democrat from Hawaii, widely admired on the anti-war left and a prominent figure in Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign, traveled to Syria, where she met with Assad.

The 2016 U.S. Green Party presidential candidate Jill Stein also expressed support for the Syrian government, and her running mate, Ajamu Barak, views Assad very positively. After the dictator’s thoroughly controlled pseudo-elections that confirmed his rule in 2014, Baraka hailed this as a repudiation of the West, crowing about Assad’s support among the Syrian people, and how the opposition was “fomented” by the “gangster states of NATO.” Stein, in an interview later scrubbed from the internet, referred to the Ghouta chemical attack as a “false flag” implying it was the rebels themselves who used the poison gas to provoke Western intervention.

An incipient Red-Brown alliance is converging on the global stage. One of the key figures calling for such an alliance in explicit terms is Alexander Dugin, a Russo-nationalist ideologue and political guru to Vladimir Putin. Dugin is consciously bringing together supposed anti-war figures in the West with neo-fascists around the idea of supporting despots like Putin and Assad in the name of a “multi-polar world.” He calls for both sides to “put aside anti-communist, as well as antifascist, prejudices,” which are “the instruments in the hands of liberals and globalists with which they keep their enemies divided.”

In one telling episode, December 2014 saw an international Duginist conference in Moscow on the “Right of Peoples to Self-Determination and Building a Multi-Polar World,” bringing together various Euro-fascist formations. Participants included a delegation of Americans representing the IAC and United National Antiwar Coalition (UNAC), another group in the orbit of the WWP.

Also in attendance at the Moscow confab was a delegation of white nationalists from the neo-Confederate League of the South!

These same entities which purport to stand up to the alt-right and white nationalists at home were happy to sit down and schmooze with them in Moscow.

This also recalls Jill Stein’s December 2015 junket to Moscow for a conference hosted by Kremlin media mouthpiece RT, in which she supped with Putin and Mike Flynn—then candidate Trump’s military policy advisor and later President Trump’s arch-reactionary National Security Advisor.

This same tendency can now be seen entering mainstream discourse. Fox News commentator Tucker Carlson engaged in the same kind of speculation that the Assad regime wasn’t behind the Douma chemical attack that we also heard from supposedly left-wing journalist Robert Fisk. For spewing this denialism about the attack, Carlson, a figure of the right, was praised by Jimmy Dore, a popular video commentator who calls his program “Aggressive Progressive.”

In recent months, Carlson’s right wing cable news show has featured left-liberal guests such as Glen Greenwald, co-editor of online news site The Intercept, and Stephen Cohen, a Princeton Russian studies professor.

Cohen is featured regularly in The Nation magazine where his wife is editor, and has turned the liberal magazine into a vehicle for Russian propaganda, making it a foremost voice for the Kremlin position in U.S. media.

Anti-war and anti-fascist forces in the West are in grave danger of being co-opted by warmongers and fascists. It is imperative that anarchists do not take this toxic bait. As anarchists, it is our job to organize independent of the self-appointed anti-war leadership, and to work to build an alternative.

An anarchist alternative would be ruthlessly single-standard in its opposition to war—which means saying no to Assad and Putin as well as Trump, and offering solidarity to the anti-authoritarian currents in the Syrian Revolution. Not betraying them by acquiescing with their oppressors.

Bill Weinberg blogs at CounterVortex.org.
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