Masculinities of the far right

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Masculinities of the far right

Postby American Dream » Tue Nov 24, 2015 11:29 am

Jack Donovan on men: a masculine tribalism for the far right

By Matthew N Lyons | Monday, November 23, 2015

Image
Donovan: "Ur-fascism is the source of honor
culture and authentic patriarchal tradition.
"



All far rightists promote male dominance, but the kinds of male dominance they promote differ enormously. The Christian right’s revolutionary wing — the folks who don’t just want to ban abortion, same-sex marriage, and teaching evolution, but replace the U.S. government with a full-blown theocracy — advocates “biblical patriarchy,” a doctrine that urges men to keep close control over everything their wives and children do, from the books they read to the time they go to bed. In this schema, for women to make decisions or speak for themselves isn’t just a bad idea, it’s a revolt against God.

Jack Donovan’s version of male supremacy is radically different from that. He’s a former Satanist, not a Christian, and he doesn’t anchor his ideas in the Bible, but rather in evolutionary psychology — an approach that’s probably meaningless, if not satanic, to Adam and Eve creationists. He doesn’t focus on the family, but on championing a kind of male comradeship free of female constraints. This comradeship allows room for sexual relations between men, and Donovan is himself openly homosexual, which would of course be taboo in the Christian right. And while even the most hard-core biblical patriarchs aim to recruit women as well as men (claiming their path offers women security and respect, not to mention salvation through Jesus), Donovan doesn’t write for women at all. His audience, his community, his hope for the future, is entirely male.

Over the past eight years, Jack Donovan has published a stream of articles and several books about men and masculinity. His best-known work is the self-published The Way of Men (2012 - hereafter referred to as Way for short), which reportedly sold an impressive ten thousand copies in its first two years. His ideas are important, in part, because they appeal to different sectors of the right, including members of the “Manosphere,” white nationalists, right-wing anarchists, and (with a few modifications) even some Christian rightists.

Gang masculinity
“The Way of Men,” Donovan argues, “is the way of the gang.” “For most of their time on this planet, men have organized in small survival bands, set against a hostile environment, competing for women and resources with other bands of men” (Way, p. 3). These gangs, he claims, have provided the security that makes all human culture and civilization possible. They are also the social framework that men need to realize their true selves. Donovan’s gangs foster and depend on the “tactical virtues” of Strength, Courage, Mastery, and Honor, which together form his definition of masculinity. Gang life centers on fighting, hierarchy, and drawing the perimeter against outsiders (“separating us from them”). This, in turn, dovetails with many of Donovan’s core philosophical precepts — that human equality is an illusion, violence (specifically male violence) is universal, and moral accountability should be limited to the members of one’s own tribe.

Image
In Donovan's ideal order, only male
warriors would have a political voice


Donovan advocates “androphilia,” by which he means love or sex between masculine men. He doesn’t call himself gay, rejects gay culture as effeminate, and justifies homophobia as a defense of masculinity rooted in the male gang’s collective survival needs. This might sound like self-hatred, but Donovan isn’t hiding or apologizing for his own sexuality; he’s defining it in a way that’s radically at odds with prevailing LGBT politics. His version of homosexuality is a consummation of the priority that men in his ideal gang place on each other. As he has commented, “When you get right down to it, when it comes to sex, homos are just men without women getting in the way.”

In Donovan’s worldview, patriarchy is the natural state of human affairs, rooted in that primeval survival scenario where women are a prize that male gangs fight over. And seen through his eyes, patriarchy doesn’t look so bad. Since Donovan is fundamentally uninterested in women’s experience, he repeats lots of “common sense” male ideas without question. For example: “A rapist is something that no right-minded man wants to be,” so the whole idea of rape culture is a feminist lie, “a tool to silence criticism of women and exert control over men’s sexual behavior and conceptions of their own masculinity.” Similarly, “men have always had to demonstrate to the group that they could carry their own weight” (Way, p. 46), while it’s supposedly much more common and accepted for women to be supported by others. Never mind that women actually work longer hours than men and do the bulk of unpaid domestic labor, enabling men in all regions of the world to do less work.

Against globalism and feminism
Donovan sees a basic tension between the wildness and violence of gang life and the restraint and orderliness that civilization requires: civilization benefits men through technological and cultural advances, but it also saps their primal masculinity — their strength, courage, mastery, and honor. For most of human history, he says, men have fashioned workable compromises between the two, but with societal changes over the past century that’s become less and less possible. Today, “globalist civilization requires the abandonment of the gang narrative, of us against them. It requires the abandonment of human scale identity groups for ‘one world tribe’” (Way, p. 139). Who is leading this attack on masculinity? “Feminists, elite bureaucrats, and wealthy men” — who “all have something to gain for themselves by pitching widespread male passivity. The way of the gang disrupts stable systems, threatens the business interests (and social status) of the wealthy, and creates danger and uncertainty for women” (Way, p. 138).

With the help of globalist elites, feminists have supposedly dismantled patriarchy and put women in a dominant role. As Donovan argues in No Man's Land: “For the first time in history, at least on this scale, women wield the axe of the state over men.” Women have “control over virtually all aspects of reproduction,” and “a mere whisper from a woman can place a man in shackles and force him to either confess or prove that he is innocent of even the pettiest charges.” Faced with the bumper sticker slogan, “Feminism is the radical notion that women are human beings,” Donovan retorts that this should be rewritten as “Feminism is the radical notion that men should do whatever women say, so that women can do whatever the hell they want.”

Unlike Christian rightists, who argue that feminism misleads women into betraying their true interests, Donovan sees feminism as an expression of women’s basic nature, which is “to calm men down and enlist their help at home, raising children, and fixing up the grass hut” (Way, p. 137). Today, feminists’ supposed alliance with globalist elites reflects this: “Women are better suited to and better served by the globalism and consumerism of modern democracies that promote security, no-strings attached sex and shopping” (Way, p. 148). It’s not that women are evil, Donovan claims. “Women are humans who are slightly different from men, and given the opportunity they will serve their slightly different interests and follow their own slightly different way” (Way, p. 150). But that slight different way inevitably clashes with men’s interests and therefore needs to be firmly controlled, if not suppressed.

The Brotherhood
Donovan’s social and political ideal is a latter-day tribal order that he calls “The Brotherhood.” The Brotherhood is rooted in the primeval gang experience, where all men of the group affirm a sacred oath of loyalty to each other (spoken or unspoken) against the outside world. In this order, a man’s position would be based on “hierarchy through meritocracy,” not inherited wealth or status. The Brotherhood might be run as a democracy or it might have a king — Donovan isn’t particular as long as the leaders prove their worth and are accountable to the men of the group. All men would be expect to train and serve as warriors, and only warriors would have a political voice. Women would not be “permitted to rule or take part in the political life of The Brotherhood, though women have always and will always influence their husbands” (A Sky Without Eagles, hereafter Sky, p. 158).

Women’s main roles in this system would be to birth and raise children, and to help preserve memories of the ancestors, because “young men should grow up knowing what their great-grandfathers and great-great-grandfathers did, and who they were, and what they believed” (Sky, p. 160). To some extent this sounds like standard conservative gender ideology, but there’s a difference. “The family is a means for the continuation of The Brotherhood, and gives a sacred role to women in The Brotherhood. The ideal woman is Queen Gorgo of Sparta,… boasting that only women of her tribe give birth to worthy men” (Sky, p. 158). This is a reversal of the idea that men become hunters and warriors to protect and provide for their families. As Jef Costello noted on the white nationalist website Counter-Currents, Donovan is saying that women exist in order to bring men into the world, and the family exists because it makes idealized male gang life possible.

Relationship with Men’s Rights Activists and the Manosphere
Donovan shares some ideas with Men’s Rights Activists (“MRAs”) — notably that the legal system and the media unfairly discriminate against men — and has published several essays in the MRA-oriented journal The Spearhead. But he criticizes MRAs from the right, arguing that their stated goal of equity between men and women is a capitulation to feminism. Donovan is more favorably disposed toward the so-called manosphere, a loose online network of men who promote vicious hostility toward feminism and sexual predation toward women. In Donovan’s words, “The manosphere is an outer realm where male tribalism rules…. [It] is not about what women want, or about making sure men and women are equal. The manosphere is about men writing about who men are and what they want, without supervision.” In turn, influential manosphere figures such as Roosh V (Daryush Valizadeh) have praised Donovan’s work. Roosh V commented on The Way of Men, “Ironic that a gay man wrote one of the manliest books I've ever read.”

White nationalism and fascism
Donovan is a sort of white nationalist fellow traveler. He has written for white nationalist websites including Counter-Currents and Radix and spoken at white nationalist gatherings such as National Policy Institute conferences. As he writes in "Mighty White," he is “sympathetic to many of their general aims,” such as encouraging racial separatism and defending European Americans against “the deeply entrenched anti-white bias of multiculturalist orthodoxies.” White nationalism dovetails with his belief that all humans are tribal creatures. But race is not his main focus or concern. “My work is about men. It’s about understanding masculinity and the plight of men in the modern world. It’s about what all men have in common.” His “Brotherhood” ideal is not culturally specific and he’s happy to see men of other cultures pursue similar aims. “For instance, I am not a Native American, but I have been in contact with a Native American activist who read The Way of Men and contacted me to tell me about his brotherhood [probably Vince Rinehart of Attack the System]. I could never belong to that tribe, but I wish him great success in his efforts to promote virility among his tribesmen” (Sky, p. 166).

Donovan has also embraced the term “anarcho-fascism,” which he explained in terms of the original fascist symbol, the fasces, a bundle of wooden rods that stands for strength and unity. Rejecting the common belief that fascism equals a totalitarian state or top-down bureaucratic rule, he identified the fasces with the “bottom-up idea” of “a unified male collective…. True tribal unity can’t be imposed from above. It’s an organic phenomenon. Profound unity comes from men bound together by a red ribbon of blood.” “…the modern, effeminate, bourgeois ‘First World’ states can no longer produce new honor cultures. New, pure warrior-gangs can only rise in anarchic opposition to the corrupt, feminist, anti-tribal, degraded institutions of the established order…. Ur-fascism is the source of honor culture and authentic patriarchal tradition.”

Elsewhere, Donovan cautions that he isn’t “an anarchist or a fascist proper,” but simply wanted to make the point that “revitalizing tribal manliness will require a chaotic break from modernity” (Sky, p. 14). Still, there are strong resonances between his ideas and early fascism’s violent male camaraderie, which took the intense, trauma-laced bonds that World War I veterans had formed in the trenches and transferred them into street-fighting formations such as the Italian squadristi and German storm troopers. Donovan also echoes the 1909 Futurist Manifesto, a document that prefigured Italian Fascism: “We want to glorify war — the only cure for the world — militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of the anarchists, the beautiful ideas which kill, and contempt for woman.” All this is part of what J. Sakai meant when he wrote that fascism “is a male movement, both in its composition and most importantly in its inner worldview. This is beyond discrimination or sexism, really. Fascism is nakedly a world of men. This is one of the sources of its cultural appeal.” I don’t completely agree, because fascism can also appeal to women on a mass scale, but the inner worldview Sakai was highlighting is an important aspect of fascism, and Donovan articulates that view as well as anybody.



Continues at: http://threewayfight.blogspot.com/2015/ ... alism.html
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Tue Nov 24, 2015 1:07 pm

Yeah, Jack Donovan will problematize the fuck out of your gender politics theory.

He's a frequently great writer, I definitely recommend engaging his work directly rather than piddling about with mere criticism.

http://www.radixjournal.com/journal/bec ... barbarians
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby General Patton » Tue Nov 24, 2015 1:30 pm

Donovan was at Richard Spencer's recent NPI "Become Who We Are" conference. It caused quite a stir up, people forget that Donovan has been to a few NPI conferences before this. Roosh Vorek and Matt Forney and a host of other manosphere related people were there as well.

Treatment of minorities and "social deviants" vary widely in fascist models, see the treatment of Jews in Italy up until entry into WW2:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_o ... ascist_era

Most can't imagine Jews being members of a fascist party and holding high office in a fascist country, but right there it is.

https://twitter.com/RichardBSpencer/status/528395974666764288
31 Oct 2014 Richard B. Spencer Said:
Homosexuality has been a part of European societies and culture for millennia. It's not going away, not something to get worked up about.


https://twitter.com/RichardBSpencer/sta ... 6062217216
29 Dec 2013
Also, homosexuality seems to be a kind of last stand of implicit White identity.


https://twitter.com/RichardBSpencer/sta ... 9994061824
29 Dec 2013
I don't think that we should promote immorality or homosexuality.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby kool maudit » Tue Nov 24, 2015 1:37 pm

The far right as counterculture. It all really is cyclical, isn't it?
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Wombaticus Rex » Tue Nov 24, 2015 1:38 pm

What turned Spencer into an EthNat? Are you familiar with his trajectory at all?

AltRight will attract the brightest 'young' conservatives and libertarians and expose them to far broader intellectual horizons, including race realism, White Nationalism, the European New Right, the Conservative Revolution, Traditionalism, neo-paganism, agrarianism, Third Positionism, anti-feminism, and right-wing anti-capitalists, ecologists, bioregionalists, and small-is-beautiful types.


"Bioregionalists" is particularly rich. I guess that's one way to frame White Nationalism.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby kool maudit » Tue Nov 24, 2015 1:43 pm

He's a volkische type, or i guess a "farm to table" sort of white nationalist.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Elvis » Tue Nov 24, 2015 2:00 pm

Image
from Male Fantasies, Vol. 2: Male Bodies - Pychoanalyzing the White Terror,
1989 by Klaus Theweleit
"We're an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you're studying that reality—judiciously, as you will—we'll act again, creating other new realities." —Karl Rove
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby General Patton » Tue Nov 24, 2015 2:06 pm

Wombaticus Rex » Tue Nov 24, 2015 12:38 pm wrote:What turned Spencer into an EthNat? Are you familiar with his trajectory at all?

AltRight will attract the brightest 'young' conservatives and libertarians and expose them to far broader intellectual horizons, including race realism, White Nationalism, the European New Right, the Conservative Revolution, Traditionalism, neo-paganism, agrarianism, Third Positionism, anti-feminism, and right-wing anti-capitalists, ecologists, bioregionalists, and small-is-beautiful types.


"Bioregionalists" is particularly rich. I guess that's one way to frame White Nationalism.


It's a good question, I'm not sure. His view of taking in people alienated by the current frame of conservatism is smart though, there's a lot of marginalized right wing views that have been kept down by the evangelist wing. The volkists are notable in that they favor free speech and are more decentralized than the NatSoc types.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby American Dream » Tue Nov 24, 2015 3:01 pm

Here is more:

Queer Fascism: Why White Nationalists Are Trying to Drop Homophobia

Posted on November 15, 2015

Image
Jack Donovan, gay proponent of “anarcho-fascism.”
Sound familiar?


The National Policy Institute’s conference for 2015 just wrapped up, one of the most popular intellectual events for the white nationalist movement in the United States. NPI is run by youngish nationalist Richard Spencer, who encourages the movement to be hip and young. Out of the almost 175 attendees, a huge portion of them were millennials as they were given significant discounts off of the expensive ticket price. One person that was disinvited, according to associate Scott Terry and even Spencer himself, was the Traditionalist Youth Network’s Matthew Heimbach. Matt, who helped to found the Townson University White Student Union before forming Trad Youth, has made statements publicly about queer people infecting others with AIDs purposefully and that they need to be put in “re-education” camps to cure their “mental illness.” Because of these statements, Spencer decided that he should be banned from the NPI conference.

Our conferences will include people who hold many different views on religious, social, sexual, historical, and political matters. We do not exclude anyone for, say, being a Buddhist, Pagan, Catholic, or atheist, or for being passionate about gay issues or thinking that they are not important. We hope that such questions can be discussed respectfully at our conferences.

NPI will, however, exclude those who show reckless disregard with the media, or those who’ve made morally indefensible public statements. Such people make our movement look bad. We choose not to grant them a platform. It’s as simple as that.


This position from Spencer, which sounds more like liberal apologetics than the defenses of someone on the radical right, may sound surprising. It is less surprising when seeing the queer writer and advocate for “male tribalism,” Jack Donovan, is one of the NPI speakers. Donovan is well-known for his book Androphilia, where he advocated that “homosexual men” drop the gay identity because it is associated with effeminacy, leftist politics, and feminism. Today he is celebrated in Men’s Rights circles, talking about reclaiming masculinity and creating tribalism against capitalism and the state and in the recreation of hierarchies. Spencer himself has discussed queer issues with Donovan many times, where he thinks that gay marriage is a “non-issue” and that we should just move on about the conflict.

Read the rest of the article at Anti-Fascist News


https://nycantifa.wordpress.com/2015/11 ... omophobia/
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby American Dream » Tue Nov 24, 2015 10:19 pm

Also:

Tuesday, September 27, 2005

Notes on Women and Right-Wing Movements - Part One
by Matthew

A "three-way-fight" approach to fascism challenges simplistic frames of analysis. In particular, it challenges (1) a dualistic "Oppressor-versus-Oppressed" model of struggle, (2) caricatures of far-right movements as simply agents of top-down repression, and (3) the idea that the left is the only insurgent force that speaks to people's grievances and needs. These points are clear in three-way-fight discussions of fascism's potential to rally mass working-class support.

We need to use this same nuanced approach when it comes to discussions of fascism and women. Women and gender politics are major issues for the right, and our analysis of fascism needs to address this in a central way. In particular, we need to address the following realities:

* Far-right movements range from some that are mostly or virtually all male to others that include large numbers of women activists.

* While all far-right movements are male supremacist, they embody a range of doctrines and policies on women and gender issues -- including some drawn from the left and even feminism.

* Far-right movements don't just repress and terrorize women but also mobilize them -- largely by offering them specific benefits and opportunities.

(I'm using "far right" here to include both fascist movements and also right-wing populist movements that are related to fascism in terms of ideology, organizing dynamics, and social base, but which stop short of fascism's revolutionary challenge to the status quo.)

I offer here some tentative thoughts about the ways right-wing movements have addressed women and gender issues, which I hope will stimulate further discussion, research, and debate. Part One of these notes concentrates mainly on classic European fascism and its political descendents -- what we might call “conventional” fascism. Part Two will discuss religious-based movements, such as the Christian right and Hindu nationalism, which fall outside the conventional fascist tradition but have a lot in common with it. Both parts include a list of sources and suggested readings at the end.

Since the end of World War I, when fascism first emerged as a major organized force, far-right movements have promoted gender politics based on some synthesis -- or contradictory mixture -- of four themes:

* Patriarchal traditionalism - Often formulated in religious terms, this current promotes rigid gender roles based on a romanticized image of the past. Women are confined to domestic roles as wife, mother, caregiver, plus at most a few (under)paid jobs that extend these roles into the wage economy. Women are to obey men, especially fathers and husbands, who provide them security and protection (especially, in racist versions, protection against sexually aggressive men of other ethnicities). Traditionalism emphasizes the family as the main framework for male control over women. This is the most conservative current of far-right gender politics, although the "traditions" being defended are arbitrary, selective, and often made up.

* Male bonding through warfare - This theme emphasizes warfare (hardship, risk of death, shared acts of violence and killing) as the basis for deep emotional and spiritual ties between men. It is often implicitly homoerotic and occasionally celebrates male homosexuality openly, and is frequently at odds with "bourgeois" family life. In the cult of male comradeship, women may be targets of violent contempt or simply ignored as irrelevant and invisible. In Europe during and after World War I, this current flourished as an ideology that spoke to the cameraderie of the trenches and later street-fighting organizations.

* Demographic nationalism - This theme embodies fears that the nation (or privileged classes or ethhnic groups within it) is not reproducing fast enough. A variant says that the quality of the national "stock" is declining because of cultural degeneration or racial mixing, and therefore eugenics programs are needed to control human breeding. Demographic nationalism says women's main duty to the nation is to have lots of babies (and, in the eugenics variant, the right kind of babies). This doctrine rejects homosexuality as a betrayal of the duty to reproduce, but also sometimes clashes with patriarchal traditionalism -- for example in the Nazis' program to encourage out-of-wedlock births among "racially pure" Germans. Demographic nationalism (especially eugenicist versions) also tends to centralize male control over women through the state, which weakens patriarchal authority within the family.

* Quasi-feminism - This current advocates specific rights for women, such as educational opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and the right to vote, and encourages women to engage in political activism, develop self-confidence and professional skills, and take on leadership roles. But quasi-feminism can't go too far with this, because like other fascistic ideologies it assumes that humans are naturally divided and unequal. This means that quasi-feminism accepts men's overall dominance, embraces gender roles as natural and immutable, advocates only specific rights for women rather than comprehensive equality, and often promotes rights only for economically or ethnically privileged women. (None of this is unique to the far right, of course.)

One of fascism's distinctive features is the tension between forward- and backward-looking tendencies -- what Michael Staudenmaier has called a "dialectic of nostalgia and progress." Gender politics is one of the main arenas where that tension gets played out, and the four themes outlined above are one way to think about that. If patriarchal traditionalism represents fairly pure nostalgia for the past (even if it's an imaginary past), each of the other three themes represents fascism's forward-looking side, its push to shake things up and create something new. By combining these conflicting themes fascism not only appeals to constituencies that want different things but also speaks to people's self-contradictory longings and impulses.

In addition, quasi-feminism embodies fascism's tendency to take on, in distorted form, elements of political movements it aims to destroy. It's the same dynamic that produces fascist "socialism" -- which attacks specific features of capitalism and specific groups of capitalists, but not the principles of economic exploitation and class hierarchy on which capitalism is based.

In the era of "classic" fascism (1919-1945), quasi-feminism was generally the weakest of the four themes shaping far-right gender politics. But in certain contexts where feminism had made an important impact (notably through campaigns for women's suffrage), quasi-feminism played a surprisingly important role on the far right. Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists supported women's right to work for pay equal to men's, and recruited former suffragists who saw fascism as a way to continue fighting for women's rights. In the U.S., the 1920s Klan movement (a right-wing populist movement that had many fascistic characteristics) included a semi-autonomous women's organization, Women of the Ku Klux Klan. The WKKK built directly on earlier women's suffrage and temperance movements, in which racism and nativism were rampant. The WKKK criticized gender inequality among White Protestants and described the home as a place of "monstrous and grinding toil and sacrifice" for women. (On the BUF, see Durham; on the WKKK, see Blee.)

These patterns have continued in recent decades among classic fascism's political descendents. Neofascist groups embody all four of the gender politics themes outlined above. In North America and western Europe, neofascist groups tend to be explicitly male supremacist and mostly recruit men. But some of them have also tried to mobilize women and neofascists sometimes incorporate feminist-sounding themes in unexpected ways.

White Aryan Resistance, a leading third positionist group in the 1980s US, sponsored a women's affiliate called the Aryan Women's League, which promoted the slogan "White power plus Women's power!" Germany's Republikaner opposed abortion but declared in their 1990 platform that "women and men have equal rights. The right to self-actualization applies equally to women and men; this is especially true in occupational life." The Italian Social Movement (MSI), which for decades was Europe's largest neofascist party, urged a "no" vote on the 1974 referendum that legalized divorce, yet advocated a salary for housewives.

A 1985 MSI poster highlighted the contradictions of fascist quasi-feminism. It denounced Marxist feminism ("which is based on an equality which goes against nature") but also rejected "the exploitation of traditions, which relegate women to restricted and historically obsolete roles." Instead, the poster called for a form of equal rights based on the complementarity of the sexes and women's "unrelinquishable freedom to choose which roles to pursue in society." (On the Republikaner and the MSI, see Durham, pp. 86-88.)

It would be an exaggeration to treat these sentiments as typical of neofascist gender politics, just as it would be a distortion to treat working-class fascism as a major reality. In both cases, we are dealing with subcurrents that deserve special attention -- because they're key to the far right's potential to "take the game away from the left."


http://threewayfight.blogspot.com/searc ... ist+women/
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby slomo » Wed Nov 25, 2015 2:20 am

Congratulations, AD, you found Jack Donovan. This must be hugely satisfying for you, since you can now insinuate that any gay guy who is pro-male must also be a white-supremist.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Sounder » Wed Nov 25, 2015 5:54 am

Queer Fascism: Why White Nationalists Are Trying to Drop Homophobia


Ah, so 'good' things done in the intention of achieving bad outcomes, where have we seen that before?

Color revolutions and pretty much anything Soros, Gates and Monsanto touches maybe?

Greater suffering created for millions and millions of human beings, all in the name of Good.


Slomo, yeah I said something one time in support of Horizontalism, and found a ‘Critique of Horizontalism’ thread the next day that seemed on a quick read to associate Horizontalism and Fascism. It is an absurd thread that drops any reference to Horizontalism after the first article.

My conclusion at the time?

Rigorous Intuition, your absolute best source for propaganda spam designed by and for indulgent self-righteous white people.

Yay for us :yay :yay :yay
All these things will continue as long as coercion remains a central element of our mentality.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby tapitsbo » Wed Nov 25, 2015 6:14 am

There are some outrageous but subtly stated claims on Matthew N. Lyons' website.

He asserts that criticism of the Bush family as exceptionally influential or bad actors is a "right-wing conspiracy theory" at the beginning of a piece that depicts neoconservatives as underdogs.

Challenging the idea that Fascists Are Tools Of The State he argues that fascism has a revolutionary appeal that must not be allowed to steal support from the left for resistance to the status quo. Examining his website, it becomes clear that Lyons may sympathize with the left but it seems his interests lie with the status quo.

This is all much more curious and makes me want to learn How To Be A Detective much more than Jack Donovan who is seems to have a pretty straightforward and predictable message.

Googling Lyons' name produces tedious outrage about this supposed "Jewish Supremacist". Much more interesting is the ambiguous, conceivably confusionist message about the status quo in the West and its relationship to social and political movements in the writing of somebody like Lyons.

This is the same sort of messaging to be found in the rejection of Jeremy Corbyn by the centrist British establishment.
Last edited by tapitsbo on Wed Nov 25, 2015 1:15 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Sounder » Wed Nov 25, 2015 9:02 am

There are some outrageous but subtly stated claims on Matthew N. Lyons' website.

He asserts that criticism of the Bush family as exceptionally influential or bad actors is a "right-wing conspiracy theory" at the beginning of a piece that depicts neoconservatives as underdogs.

Challenging the idea that Fascists Are Tools Of The State he argues that fascism has a revolutionary appeal that must not be allowed to steal support from the left for resistance to the status quo. Examining his website, it becomes clear that Lyons may sympathize with the left but it seems his interests lie with the status quo.

This is all much more curious and makes me want to learn How To Be A Detective much more than Jack Donovan who is seems to have a pretty straightforward and predictable message.

Googling Lyons' name produces tedious outrage about this supposed "Jewish Supremacist". Much more interesting is the ambiguous, conceivably confusionist message about the status quo in the West and its relationship to social movements in the writing of somebody like Lyons.

This is the same sort of messaging to be found in the rejection of Jeremy Corbyn by the centrist British establishment.


Thanks for the info tapitsbo.

I find it to be deliciously appropriate that Jack, while ranting on about confusionism, supports AD's garbage.

What good is a monster intellect if it doesn't even catch this simplest level of bullshit?
All these things will continue as long as coercion remains a central element of our mentality.
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Re: Masculinities of the far right

Postby Belligerent Savant » Wed Nov 25, 2015 9:27 am

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slomo » Wed Nov 25, 2015 1:20 am wrote:Congratulations, AD, you found Jack Donovan. This must be hugely satisfying for you, since you can now insinuate that any gay guy who is pro-male must also be a white-supremist.


Indeed. Perhaps AD's next venture will be to bombard us with "evidence" of Tom of Finland's attempts to infiltrate the gay movement via subliminal 'Far Right' messaging hidden within his masculine etchings.

Exhibit A, for AD's DEEP analysis:

Image

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Image
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