The “Alternative Right"

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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Fri Feb 24, 2017 5:51 pm

Two Ways of Looking at Fascism

The 2002 book Confronting Fascism: Discussion Documents for a Militant Movement is concerned with fascism today as much as “classical” fascism -– its points of reference are not just Hitler and Mussolini but also the World Church of the Creator and Alexander Dugin, Israeli West Bank settlers and the Taliban. As outlined in the Introduction by Xtn (then of Chicago Anti-Racist Action), the book grew out of discussions among anti-fascist and revolutionary leftists (both anarchist and Marxist) about the relationship between fighting fascism and fighting the capitalist state. It was published in the wake of the September 11th attacks, which sparked a new wave of state repression and racist attacks while highlighting the fact that some of the U.S. power structure’s most militant opponents were on the far right.22

Confronting Fascism centers on an essay by Don Hamerquist, formerly of the Sojourner Truth Organization, and an extended reply by J. Sakai, a Maoist best known for his book Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat. Hamerquist and Sakai are both independent Marxists who have worked with anarchist anti-fascists and been influenced by anti-authoritarian critiques of dogmatic Marxism. Like Thalheimer, Mason, and Vajda, they emphasize that fascism is an independent political force, not a capitalist puppet or policy. But Hamerquist and Sakai go much further than this, presenting fascism as a right-wing revolutionary force. In Sakai’s words, “Fascism is a revolutionary movement of the right against both the bourgeoisie and the left, of middle class and declassed men, that arises in zones of protracted crisis.” It is not revolutionary in the socialist or anarchist sense: “Fascism is revolutionary in a simpler use of the word. It intends to seize State power for itself… in order to violently reorder society in a new class rule.”23

Hamerquist and Sakai argue that most leftists seriously underestimate fascism’s potential to attract mass support within the United States and worldwide. Capitalism’s developing contradictions, they argue, create growing opportunities for a resurgence of fascist movements. Far from being a frozen relic of the past, fascism is a dynamic political force that includes a range of factions and tendencies and is evolving in response to changing conditions. Fascist groups feed on popular hostility to big business and the capitalist state, and some of them present an oppositional militance that looks more serious and committed than that of most leftist groups today. (Hamerquist particularly cites “third position” fascists, who claim to reject both the left and the right, but the argument is not limited to these groups.) The main danger of fascism today, Hamerquist argues, is not that it will seize power, but that it “might gain a mass following among potentially insurgent workers and declassed strata through an historic default of the left” causing “massive damage to the potential for a liberatory anti-capitalist insurgency.”24

A related danger that Hamerquist raises is a convergence between fascists and sections of the radical left. He points to leftward overtures from sections of the far right, and tendencies within much of the left that mesh dangerously with fascism, such as male supremacy, glorification of violence, leader cultism, hostility to open debate and discussion, and elitism. Hamerquist notes that German Communists in the early 1930s sometimes made tactical alliances with the Nazis against the Social Democrats because they considered Social Democrats the bigger threat.

Hamerquist warns that U.S. fascist groups are actively organizing around a number of issues that leftists often consider to be “ours,” such as labor struggles, environmentalism, opposition to police repression, U.S. imperialism, and corporate globalization. This kind of fascist popular appeal is nothing new. As Sakai points out, both Mussolini and Hitler galvanized people largely by attacking established elites and promoting an anti-bourgeois militance that seemed much more exciting and dynamic than conventional left politics. “Many youth in 1930s Germany viewed the Nazis as liberatory. As opposed to the German social-democrats, for example, who preached the dutiful authority of parents over children, the Hitler Youth gave rebellious children the power to keep their own hours, have an active sex and political life, smoke, drink and have groups of their own.”25

In different ways, both Hamerquist and Sakai argue that fascism’s radical approach shapes its relationship with capitalism. Of the two writers, Sakai’s position is closer to a Bonapartist model. He describes fascism as “anti-bourgeois but not anti-capitalist.” Under fascist regimes, “capitalism is restabilized but the bourgeoisie pays the price of temporarily no longer ruling the capitalist State.” But for Sakai this conflict is much starker than it is for Bonapartism theorists. Today’s fascism “is opposed to the big imperialist bourgeoisie… to the transnational corporations and banks, and their world-spanning ‘multicultural’ bourgeois culture. Fascism really wants to bring down the World Bank, WTO and NATO, and even America the Superpower. As in destroy.”26

Sakai argues that fascism radically reshapes the capitalist social order to create an economy of “heightened parasitism”: “a lumpen-capitalist economy more focused on criminality, war, looting and enslavement.” He describes how Hitler’s regime elevated millions of German workers into a new parasitic class of soldiers, policemen, and bureaucrats and replaced them with a new proletariat of foreign and slave laborers, retirees, and women. This process “created an Aryan society that had never existed before” -– giving Nazi racial categories a concrete, social reality that was qualitatively new (but which paralleled the color-line divisions of U.S. society).27

Sakai’s discussion belies claims that Hitler’s regime had little or no impact on the socioeconomic order. We should remember, however, that this discussion does not apply to Italian Fascism, which lacked Nazism’s overarching racialist imperative and never consolidated the same degree of control over the state. Its effect on the socioeconomic order was far more limited.

Hamerquist takes fascist anti-capitalism more seriously than Sakai does. He notes that current-day fascist movements encompass various positions on how to relate to the capitalist class, from opportunists who want to cut a deal, to pro-capitalist revolutionaries who want to pressure big business into accepting fascist rule, to some third positionists who want to overthrow the economic ruling class entirely. It is unclear how serious a challenge to capitalist economic power any fascists would mount in practice. Where it has been tested, fascist anti-capitalism has meant opposition to “bourgeois values,” specific policies, or a “parasitic” wing of capital (such as Jewish bankers) -– not the capitalist system. On the other hand, as Hamerquist warns, it would be dangerous for leftists to dismiss the prospect of a militantly anti-capitalist fascism simply because it doesn’t fit our preconceptions.

Hamerquist’s concept of fascist anti-capitalism rests partly on his analysis (following German left communist Alfred Sohn-Rethel) that German Nazism foreshadowed “a new ‘transcapitalist’ exploitative social order.” In particular, Hamerquist argues, German fascism’s genocidal labor policy broke with capitalist principles. Not just labor power, but workers themselves were “consumed in the process of production just like raw materials and fixed capital,” thus obliterating “the distinctively capitalist difference between labor and other factors of production.” True, “normal” capitalist development involves genocide “against pre-capitalist populations and against the social formations that obstruct the creation of a modern working class.” But by contrast, “the German policy was the genocidal obliteration of already developed sections of the European working classes” –- i.e., the importation of colonial-style mass killing into Europe’s industrial heartland.28

This doesn’t necessarily mean that Nazism was in the process of overthrowing the capitalist system. The labor policies Hamerquist describes did not call into question the economic power of big business, and arguably could not be sustained for more than a brief period. But the very fact that they were not sustainable may be part of the point. As Hamerquist reminds us, Marx warned that the contradictions of capitalism might end, not in socialist revolution, but in “barbarism,” “the common ruin of the contending classes.” Fascist revolution could be one version of this scenario.29

Here we should remember Thalheimer’s and Caplan’s point that the fascist state’s contradictory relationship with the business class -– defending its economic power but pursuing policies that eventually conflict with capitalist economic rationality -– is inherently unstable. In theory, this conflict could be resolved in various ways: (1) the collapse or overthrow of the fascist regime (as happened in Italy and Germany), (2) the conversion of fascist rule into a more conventional pro-capitalist regime, or (3) some kind of fascist overthrow of capitalist economic power. The last of these alternatives is the hardest to imagine, but cannot simply be dismissed as impossible or nonsensical. It would not abolish economic exploitation but would reshape it in fundamental ways, as Hamerquist suggests in his discussion of Nazi labor policy.

Sakai and Hamerquist also differ on the question of fascism’s class base. Like many others before him, Sakai links fascism to middle-class and declassed strata threatened or uprooted by rapid social and economic change -– historical losers who hate the big capitalists and want to get back the privilege they used to have. Sakai sees this dynamic in the Germans who rallied to Hitler during the Depression, the Timothy McVeigh figures who turn to neonazism as the old U.S. system of white privilege crumbles, and the Muslim world’s shopkeepers and unemployed college graduates hit by globalization, who are at the core of the pan-Islamic right. “To the increasing mass of rootless men fallen or ripped out of productive classes -– whether it be the peasantry or the salariat –- [fascism] offers not mere working class jobs but the vision of payback. Of a land for real men, where they and not the bourgeois will be the one’s [sic] giving orders at gunpoint and living off of others.”30

This discussion is helpful but oversimplified. The dynamics Sakai describes represent part of fascism’s appeal, and there is evidence that the middle classes and sections of the unemployed disproportionately supported fascism in the interwar period. But it would be a serious distortion to pigeonhole fascism as a movement of historical losers. Pre-World War II fascism didn’t just attract declining and uprooted middle classes such as small merchants, but also groups at the core of the new corporate economy, such as white-collar workers and professionals. The fascist vision criticizes modern decadence but also embraces many aspects of modernity. For example, as David Robert argues, Italian Fascism appealed to petty bourgeois activists as a vehicle for national integration, political reform, and large-scale industrial development.31

Furthermore, as Goeff Eley has pointed out about German Nazism, the movement’s dependence on a particular social class is less striking than its ability “to broaden its social base in several different directions” –- to construct “a broadly based coalition of the subordinate classes,” “without precedent in the German political system.” In contrast to the Social Democrats and Communists, who remained focused on the industrial working class, the Nazis (and to a lesser extent Italian Fascists) unified “an otherwise disjointed ensemble of discontents within a totalizing populist framework.”32

Hamerquist does not directly expand on his warning that militant fascism could build a mass base among insurgent workers (a possibility that Sakai questions). Although definitions of “working class” are subject to debate, several fascist movements in the 1930s seem to have attracted substantial numbers of workers, such as the Arrow Cross in Hungary and Father Coughlin’s Social Justice movement in the United States. In 1930-1933, workers made up about 30 percent of German Nazi Party members and a majority within the SA (Stormtroopers), the Nazis’ paramilitary wing.33

While they disagree about fascism’s class base, Hamerquist and Sakai agree that we need to rethink old leftist assumptions about fascism’s racial politics. As Hamerquist puts it, “there is no reason to view fascism as necessarily white just because there are white supremacist fascists. To the contrary there is every reason to believe that fascist potentials exist throughout the global capitalist system. African, Asian, and Latin American fascist organizations can develop that are independent of, and to some extent competitive with Euro-American ‘white’ fascism.”34 Coupled with this, some white fascists support Third World anti-imperialism or even disavow racial supremacy, and some have started to build links with socially conservative Black organizations such as the Nation of Islam.

Sakai notes that the mass displacement of Black workers over the past generation, coupled with the defeat of 1960s left Black nationalism, has fueled an unprecedented growth of authoritarian rightist organizations in the Black community. Sakai also argues that fascism’s key growth area now is in the Third World, where “pan-Islamic fascism” and related movements have largely replaced the left as the major anti-imperialist opposition force.

Unfortunately, Sakai and Hamerquist have little to say about what fascism means for women, as Xtn notes in the Introduction to Confronting Fascism. Sakai asserts that fascism is basically a male movement both in composition and outlook. In reality, as Xtn points out, fascist movements intensify patriarchy but often rely on mass support from both women and men. As I have argued elsewhere, all fascist movements are male supremacist, but they have embodied a range of doctrines on women and gender issues, both traditionalist and anti-traditionalist, and even including twisted versions of feminism. Fascism has sometimes recruited large numbers of women as active participants, largely by offering them specific benefits and opportunities -– in education, youth groups, athletics, volunteer work, and certain paid jobs -– even as it sharpened and centralized male dominance.35
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 25, 2017 8:42 am

Exclusive: Senior Trump Aide Forged Key Ties To Anti-Semitic Groups In Hungary

Lili Bayer February 24, 2017

When photographs recently emerged showing Sebastian Gorka, President Donald Trump’s high-profile deputy assistant, wearing a medal associated with the Nazi collaborationist regime that ruled Hungary during World War II, the controversial security strategist was unapologetic.

“I’m a proud American now and I wear that medal now and again,” Gorka told Breitbart News. Gorka, 46, who was born in Britain to Hungarian parents and is now an American citizen, asked rhetorically, “Why? To remind myself of where I came from, what my parents suffered under both the Nazis and the Communists, and to help me in my work today.”

But an investigation by the Forward into Gorka’s activities from 2002 to 2007, while he was active in Hungarian politics and journalism, found that he had close ties then to Hungarian far-right circles, and has in the past chosen to work with openly racist and anti-Semitic groups and public figures.

Gorka’s involvement with the far right includes co-founding a political party with former prominent members of Jobbik, a political party with a well-known history of anti-Semitism; repeatedly publishing articles in a newspaper known for its anti-Semitic and racist content; and attending events with some of Hungary’s most notorious extreme-right figures.

When Gorka was asked — in an email exchange with the Forward — about the anti-Semitic records of some of the groups and individuals he has worked with, he instead pivoted to talk about his family’s history.

“My parents, as children, lived through the nightmare of WWII and the horrors of the Nyilas puppet fascist regime,” he said, referring to the Arrow Cross regime that took over Hungary near the very end of World War II and murdered thousands of Jews.

In the United States, Gorka, who was appointed deputy assistant to the president on January 20, is known as a television commentator, a professor and an “alt-right” writer who describes himself as a counterterrorism expert. A close associate of Stephen Bannon, Trump’s chief strategist, Gorka is now part of Bannon’s key in-house White House think tank, the Strategic Initiatives Group. The newly formed group consists of figures close to Trump and is seen by some as a rival to the National Security Council in formulating policies for the president.

Gorka, who views Islam as a religion with an inherent predilection for militancy, has strong supporters among some right-leaning think tanks in Washington. “Dr. Gorka is one of the most knowledgeable, well-read and studied experts on national security that I’ve ever met,” Joseph Humire, executive director of the Center for a Secure Free Society, told the Forward. Humire has known Gorka for nearly a decade, and considers him “top-notch.”

Born in London to parents who fled Hungary’s post-World War II Communist regime, Gorka has had a career that’s marked by frequent job changes and shifting national allegiances. The U.S. government is the third sovereign state to hire him in a national security role. As a young man, he was a member of the United Kingdom’s Territorial Army reserves, where he served in the Intelligence Corps. Then, following the fall of Communism in Hungary, he was employed in 1992 by the country’s Ministry of Defense. He worked there for five years, apparently on issues related to Hungary’s accession to NATO.

Continues at: ... -in-hunga/
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby stillrobertpaulsen » Sat Feb 25, 2017 7:55 pm

I knew this sort of damage control from the conservative establishment would eventually happen with Trump in the White House, just not this soon after the inauguration. But it's so typical of the right-wing dissociative disorder: if a movement that arises within their ranks even hints of totalitarian impulses, just deny it ever was right-wing in the first place, because conservatives can't be totalitarian. So now alt-right is left-wing, just as Nazis are left-wing, fascists are left-wing, racists are left-wing. Totally clueless about just how Orwellian they actually are.

Alt-right leader expelled from CPAC after organizer denounces ‘fascist group’
By David Weigel and John Wagner February 23

Richard Spencer, a founder of the alt-right movement that seeks a whites-only state and that strongly backed Donald Trump for president, was expelled from the Conservative Political Action Conference after being criticized from its main stage, then giving interviews to a growing crowd of reporters.

“People want to talk to me,” Spencer told NBC News from outside the Gaylord National Harbor complex. “They don’t want to talk to these boring conservatives. They want to learn about ideas whose time has come, not whose time has passed.”

Spencer, who has frequently attended CPAC without incident, became a minor media sensation during and after the 2016 election. One of the first speeches at this year’s conference challenged the media to stop referring to the alt-right as conservative.

“There is a sinister organization that is trying to worm its way into our ranks,” said Dan Schneider, the executive director of the American Conservative Union, which runs CPAC. “We must not be deceived by [a] hateful, left-wing fascist group.”

There was an irony to Spencer’s expulsion on the same day the conference featured White House strategist Stephen K. Bannon, the former CEO of Breitbart News, who once called the site “the platform for the alt-right.”

In 2013 and 2014, Breitbart News sponsored forums on the outskirts of CPAC called “The Uninvited,” featuring guests who were not welcome on the main stage due to controversial views on Islam and immigration.

“I didn’t like ‘the Uninvited,'” said the ACU’s president, Matt Schlapp, introducing Bannon with White House Chief of Staff Reince Preibus. “Everybody’s a part of our conservative family.”

But not Spencer, apparently. Over seven tense, perplexing minutes, Schneider argued that the alt-right was philosophically left-wing because it departed from a conservatism in which “the individual” was sovereign.

“They hate the Constitution. They hate free markets. They hate pluralism,” Schneider said. “Fascists tend to want big government control.”

The argument wasn’t unique to Schneider. In 2009’s “Liberal Fascism,” the National Review columnist Jonah Goldberg drew a zigging line from the fascism of the 1930s to the welfare state liberalism of the Clinton/Obama era.

But inside the main ballroom of CPAC, the argument didn’t generate much applause. Some in the audience cheered the denunciation of “left-wing fascism,” while a few listeners walked out.

Among the walkouts was Spencer, who was quickly recognized by reporters and attracted such a large crowd of them that security staff asked him to move away from the entrance, which was rapidly being blocked. Their questions ranged from Spencer’s reaction to the denunciation, to whether he supported the Ku Klux Klan, to whether black Americans deserved credit for creating rock ‘n’ roll.

“Depeche Mode is the official band of the alt-right,” said Spencer — a comment that would be denounced by the British synth-rock band by the end of the day.

Inside the Gaylord, more and more cameras and recorders were shoved toward Spencer as he reminded reporters that the self-appointed guardians of conservatism had waited to trust Trump long after the alt-right had.

“’Donald Trump isn’t a conservative’ — that’s what they were saying a year ago,” said Spencer.

As the throng of reporters moved, Spencer was stopped by JP Sheehan, a CPAC attendee wearing a black-and-gold Make America Great Again baseball cap.

“Praise kek!” said Sheehan, posing for a selfie with Spencer and repeating a meme that had been adopted by the alt-right. “He’s the coolest guy.”

The growing crowd attracted more nervous attention from security, and after a few more minutes, they arrived to expel Spencer.

“I’m not welcome on the property?” Spencer asked.

“I’m not going to debate this,” said the guard. “This is private property. They want you off the property.”

After Spencer asked if he could stay if he would simply “stay out of trouble,” he said a hashtag — “Free Spencer” — into the cameras, and posed for another photo as he was taken outside.

Spencer, who became somewhat infamous after leading a cry of “hail Trump, hail victory, hail our people” at an NPI conference, was gone.

Nationalist themes remained in the mix at CPAC, with one panel on “World War III” posing the question of whether radical Islam had infiltrated the United States government.
"Huey Long once said, “Fascism will come to America in the name of anti-fascism.” I'm afraid, based on my own experience, that fascism will come to America in the name of national security."
-Jim Garrison 1967
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Sat Feb 25, 2017 8:04 pm

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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 28, 2017 2:17 pm

Breitbart‘s depiction of the alt-right (in the guise of internet in-joke Pepe the Frog) haunting the Republican Party.

A Guided Tour of the Racist, Crypto-Fascist “Alt-Right” By Breitbart News

“We’re the platform for the alt-right,” Donald Trump’s new campaign CEO, Stephen Bannon, told Mother Jones‘ David Corn (8/22/16)—”we” meaning Breitbart News, the online news outlet that Bannon headed until he was picked to run the turbulent Trump campaign.

And the “alt-right”? Well, Breitbart (3/29/16) tried to explain what that is in a 5,000-word piece last spring, written by Breitbart Tech editor Milo Yiannopoulos—perhaps best known for being banned from Twitter for harassing actress Leslie Jones—and Allum Bokhari, who describes himself as the “resident kebab at Breitbart Tech” and “Milo’s deputy.”

Not that Bokhari and Yiannopoulos find it easy to explain the “alternative right.” When it comes time to sum it up in a nutshell, this is the best they can offer:

Young, creative and eager to commit secular heresies, they have become public enemy number one to beltway conservatives … The alt-right has a youthful energy and jarring, taboo-defying rhetoric that have boosted its membership and made it impossible to ignore.

They can tell you what it’s not, though—racist! Despite the fact that everyone seems to think it is:

Some—mostly Establishment types—insist it’s little more than a vehicle for the worst dregs of human society: antisemites, white supremacists and other members of the Stormfront set. They’re wrong … Lefties dismiss it as racist, while the conservative press, always desperate to avoid charges of bigotry from the Left, has thrown these young readers and voters to the wolves as well.

Rather than giving one definition of the alt-right, the Breitbart article chooses to describe it piece by piece. Let’s put the pieces together and see what kind of picture it makes.

The Intellectuals
These, according to Breitbart, are what separates the alt-right “above all else” from “from old-school racist skinheads (to whom they are often idiotically compared)”: They “are a much smarter group of people … They’re dangerously bright.”

First noted among these geniuses is Richard Spencer, whose website is described as hosting “an eclectic mix of renegades who objected to the established political consensus in some form or another.” The hategroup-tracking Southern Poverty Law Center describes him as “one of the country’s most successful young white nationalist leaders,” who’s prone to saying things like, “Our dream is a new society, an ethno-state that would be a gathering point for all Europeans.” He rejects the word “racist” because it’s “pejorative,” but “the notion that these people can be equal is not a scientific way of looking at it.”

Other alt-right thought leaders cited by Breitbart include “Steve Sailer’s blog, VDARE and American Renaissance.” “All of these websites have been accused of racism,” the article notes—which makes sense, because they’re all dedicated to promoting the pseudo-science of racial superiority (Extra!, 3–4/05).

Sailer, the piece notes, “helped spark the ‘human biodiversity’ movement, a group of bloggers and researchers who strode eagerly into the minefield of scientific race differences.” An example of this minefield-striding would be Sailer’s assertion that African-Americans “tend to possess poorer native judgment than members of better-educated groups. Thus they need stricter moral guidance from society.”

The alt-right’s intellectual leaders also include the self-styled “Neoreactionaries,” who come out of a web community called LessWrong that “urged its community members to think like machines rather than humans.” Among the tenets of this subculture are that “egalitarianism flew in the face of every piece of research on hereditary intelligence,” and that “asking people to see each other as human beings rather than members of a demographic in-group … ignored every piece of research on tribal psychology.”

There are a few other currents mentioned—like the “online ‘manosphere,’ the nemeses of left-wing feminism”—but for the most part the influential thinkers of the alt-right movement cited by Breitbart, the self-declared “platform for the alt-right,” are people who would be called “racists” by anyone who wasn’t concerned that that word unfairly stigmatizes those who believe their race is better than others.

Natural Conservatives
The next constituency of the alt-right is described as “mostly white, mostly male middle-American radicals, who are unapologetically embracing a new identity politics that prioritizes the interests of their own demographic.” They are said to have “a preference for homogeneity over diversity, for stability over change, and for hierarchy and order over radical egalitarianism,” with their chief concern being “the preservation of their own tribe and its culture.”

In other words—racists? No, insists Breitbart—because they “eschew … bigotry on a personal level.” (Yiannopoulos and Bokhari seem to place a lot of weight on the fact that “Jewish gays and mixed-race Breitbart reporters” like themselves get invited to alt-right dinner parties.) But the “natural conservatives” are “frightened by the prospect of demographic displacement represented by immigration.” And “many of them instinctively feel that once large enough and ethnically distinct enough groups are brought together, they will inevitably come to blows.”

This makes the “natural conservatives” natural allies with the theorists of racist pseudo-science:

The alt-right’s intellectuals would also argue that culture is inseparable from race. The alt-right believe that some degree of separation between peoples is necessary for a culture to be preserved.

In other words, they’re racists.

Continues at: ... -alt-right
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Tue Feb 28, 2017 6:26 pm

Reading the Far-Right Sites: Transphobia, Islamophobia, and Clintonphobia


In the past week, monitoring Breitbart and similar far-right websites so you don’t have to, we’ve found plenty of transphobia and Islamophobia, both with some new twists. There is also the revisiting of a 20-year-old scandal, in the name of exalting Donald Trump and demonizing the woman who lost the presidency to him, despite winning the popular vote.

It’s no surprise that Breitbart and its ilk are thrilled that the Trump administration has revoked Obama-era guidelines on what schools should do to assure they aren’t discriminating against transgender students. There are some surprises, though, in the claims they’re making about what can happen when society recognizes trans people’s identity and treats them accordingly. The “bathroom predator” myth is still there, but now they’ve amped up the argument by saying women may be erased from history books.

“If individuals can freely flip their sex from male to female or vice versa, then the nation’s many single-sex institutions will face enormous legal pressure to admit people of the opposite biological sex,” Breitbart contributor Neil Munro wrote last week. “For example, shelters for battered women may be forced to open their doors to men who claim battery, women’s sports leagues will be forced to admit bigger and stronger men who claim to be women, and schoolbooks and parenting guides used by government grantees would be forced to define ‘women’ merely as people who say they are women, effectively discarding the nation’s cultural history of women, girls and feminists.” We never knew the right cared so much about feminism. And of course, Munro ignores the fact that transgender women housed with men in single-sex institutions, such as homeless shelters or jails, face great danger of physical and sexual abuse.

Over at Townhall, columnist Michael Brown claimed to have sympathy for transgender people but effectively denied their existence. “There is no settled science confirming transgender identity,” he contended (erroneously) in a column published Monday morning. He recommended that readers reach out to people who identify as transgender and “help them find wholeness in the Lord,” essentially a “pray the trans away” approach. He added, “And while I’m at, let me say this to CNN’s Chris Cuomo: Sir, it is not intolerant for a father not to want his daughter to see a boy's penis at school. That's called being a good dad.” Cuomo had engaged in a Twitter exchange about the revocation of the guidelines. (By the way, schools with trans-inclusive policies take plenty of steps to assure students’ privacy.)


The folks at Breitbart have a fondness for Linda Tripp, the woman who helped expose President Clinton’s affair with White House intern Monica Lewinsky in the late 1990s, and they’re happy to give her a platform to make some outrageous allegations. In a piece published on the site over the weekend, Tripp claimed Saturday Night Live and major news outlets are conspiring to discredit Donald Trump.

“Now I think what is going on on SNL is a part of it,” Tripp, a former Pentagon employee, told Aaron Klein on his radio show, in an interview he summarized for Breitbart, where he holds the title of senior investigative reporter. “It’s all of a piece, though. It’s almost a psychological warfare tactic. I worked with special operations for many years. And I can’t overstate the effectiveness of this campaign that they are waging.

Continues at: ... ntonphobia
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby tapitsbo » Tue Feb 28, 2017 8:58 pm

:rofl2 I've heard "Erdoganophobia" too now
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 01, 2017 11:51 am

Far-Right Terror Grows, Trump Blames Victims and “False-Flags”

In the last weeks and months, the US has been rocked by a wave of anti-Semitic attacks, vandalism and arson against Mosques, white supremacist shootings and attempted mass murder sprees, a string of bomb threats against various places of worship, and acts of terror against African-American churches. Feeling empowered by the Trump regime, far-Right and white supremacist groups are flexing their power, especially in the face of an administration that is keen to look the other way. Meanwhile, the intellectual leaders of the racist far-Right from the US gathered this weekend in Sweden in order to consolidate their movements and form alliances with fascist and Neo-Nazi groups in Europe. For those in the US, we should take note of this development, as it signals yet another reason for us to organize within our communities against the growing danger of far-Right violence.

Identitarian Ideas IX, white supremacist v-blogger Millennial Woes in center.

Meanwhile, Trump and his staff implied in the press that the various racist attacks were being organized and carried out by Trump’s political opposition in an attempt to make him look bad. Trump even went so far as to imply that these acts were being carried out by the victims themselves, a claim that echoed “false flag” sentiments coming from racist Alt-Right websites like Breitbart.

As one commentator on Breitbart wrote:

This smells like the manufactured hate crimes that left has been pushing lately to stir up the fake news MSM and also add fuel to the fire for the stereotype alt right.

Others went farther, and claimed that the ‘coordinated’ racist attacks had to be coming from “paid protesters” on the Left, a buzzword that Trump and others have been promoting in the last month to downplay anyone actively opposing the administration. As another Breitbart troll wrote:

Destroying ten or twenty gravestones, or even spray painting something vile on a wall might be the work of teenagers, or a local group of drunk Jew hating racists.

But destroying FIVE hundred gravestones only a week after 200 gravestones were damaged in St Louis; that sounds like professional work aimed at getting the attention of the national news networks. This looks more and more like paid professionals working in coordination across the country. That means money, coordination, and someone at the top giving orders.

It seems the far-Right culture that celebrates everything from gas chamber memes to Pinochet dropping dissidents from helicopters can’t fathom the idea that people are putting their fascist ideas into action – or more realistically, they don’t want to admit publically that this is happening. Instead, it’s easier for them to pretend that such acts are the work of “paid protesters” or anyone else they oppose, in order to make themselves look bad. Trump of course is eager to eat these conspiracy theories up and blame the victims of racist and fascist violence for their own misfortune.

Matt Forney and Milo Yiannopoulos

Meanwhile, in Sweden, members of the Alt-Right, which has attempted to mainstream white nationalist, neo-Nazi, and fascist ideas in the Trump era, gathered to build their movement outside of the US, and link up with established white supremacist groups. Attendees at the ‘Identitarian Ideas XI‘ conference from the US included Matt Forney, who has evolved from being simply a pro-rape Men’s Rights Activist to a full on white nationalist, and Al Stankard, also known as “Harlem Venison.” Stankard was featured in several media spreads along with Richard Spencer last winter after Al attended the National Policy Institute Conference where people threw up Nazi salutes to “Hail Trump.”

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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby Luther Blissett » Wed Mar 01, 2017 12:19 pm

None of my investigations are proving fruitful at all in identifying groups responsible. Not even a whisper of a credible rumor of who is responsible, no one's talking.
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Thu Mar 02, 2017 9:18 am

This anarchist and 'anti-fascist' activist is using facts to go after the far-right fringe

Daryle Jenkins, center, argues with President Trump supporters at a Rutgers University protest last month.

These are busy times for activists who identify themselves as “anti-fascists,” as Jenkins does. President Trump’s comments on Muslims and immigration have energized white nationalists, and their fringe rhetoric has found a more prominent stage online and in the media.

At the same time, recent months have also shown the limitations of the far-right’s ability to advance safely into mainstream spaces.

The “alt-right” — a loose-knit movement of white nationalists, neo-Nazis and misogynists — splintered after footage went viral showing Spencer receiving Nazi salutes at a conference for white nationalists shortly after Trump’s election in November. In February, the British provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos lost his speaking engagement at CPAC and a book deal after video emerged showing him apparently promoting pedophilia.

In both cases, facts, not fists or firebombs, arguably dealt the biggest setbacks, prompting people and institutions to distance themselves from Yiannopoulos and Spencer (who was asked to leave CPAC shortly after arriving). Jenkins wants to bring that type of damaging information to light, and so he shows up at right-wing events to photograph and document notable attendees — half activist, half reporter.

“That journalism part is really important,” said Jenkins, who says he works with other volunteers but wants to keep their identities secret for their protection. “We have to put out the facts as they are.”

The final product can be an odd mix. Jenkins’ website sometimes veers between dispassionate writing and bombast. The recent death of a Missouri Ku Klux Klan leader bore the headline, “Frank Ancona, Rot in Hell!” But the story that followed was written like a just-the-facts newspaper story.

One of his site’s most notable scoops came in 2009, when he published court records showing that the executive director of a conservative political action committee, Marcus Epstein, had been charged with assaulting a black woman and calling her the N-word.

Epstein pleaded guilty to simple assault in connection with the incident, and the case soon appeared on the website of the Southern Poverty Law Center and in the New York Times. One of Epstein’s supporters, Bay Buchanan, compared the public backlash to a “modern-day lynching.”

Jenkins believes in shaming with information. Joining the alt-right today could mean getting turned down for a job tomorrow if an employer punches someone’s name into Google and finds it on Jenkins’ website. His slogan: “Hate has consequences.”

“A lot of those folks that are subscribing to the alternative right are relatively young, and they don’t know that this isn’t going to last,” Jenkins said. “When you try to go forward in your career, this is going to come up.”

That’s why Jenkins drove to CPAC, a gathering for Republican activists of varying ideological stripes. He sees CPAC as something more, a chance for fringe types to also network, gossip and raise their visibility.

Toting a black laptop bag, Jenkins patrolled the halls like a leftist Ghostbuster, watching for any budding white-power radicals to reveal themselves among the young conservatives in heels or blue blazers and neat haircuts.

“Where there’s smoke, there’s fire,” Jenkins said.

He looked over at Spencer, the white nationalist, and focused on faces nearby, wondering whether Spencer had brought an entourage. He continued snapping photos.

“Everybody knows who Spencer is, so I look for everybody who’s around him.”

Reporters surround white nationalist Richard Spencer at the Conservative Political Action Conference.

Jenkins sifts through a lot when scanning a crowd. At CPAC, one young, clean-cut conference attendee, clutching his conference badge to his chest — flipped over, so his name wouldn’t show — tried to take a photo of Spencer without anyone noticing.

A fan of Spencer’s or an adversary? When a reporter asked who he was associated with, the young man mumbled that he was just an attendee and walked away, keeping his badge flipped over and his name out of sight.

Jenkins muttered to himself as he spied a woman talking to reporters near Spencer. “What’s this conversation about?” He listened. “She’s defending Milo” Yiannopoulos. Jenkins decided to move on.

He sidled up to a young man with a “Free Milo” sticker on his badge and challenged him in conversation. “I don’t like this confrontation,” the young man said, initially cowed. But Jenkins assured him it wasn’t a confrontation, and the pair carried on a debate about politics, and Jenkins didn’t record him.

CPAC staff also hovered nearby, watching Spencer anxiously.

“They’re trying to figure out what they’re gonna do about this,” Jenkins murmured. “As long as Richard Spencer is around, he’s going to create crowds like this, and he’s going to make the conference look bad.”

Spencer got the boot about 20 minutes later.

“The alt-right does not have a legitimate voice in the conservative movement,” CPAC organizer Matt Schlapp told reporters shortly before a security guard came to kick Spencer out. Jenkins followed behind Spencer, camera in hand, until Spencer left the premises.

Jenkins’ opponents on the far right have criticized him repeatedly over the years, variously attacking him for his weight, for posting phone numbers and addresses, and for “irrelevant posturing” by publishing “‘outings’ of minor costume Nazi and scenester types who revel in the attention,” the far-right site Occidental Dissent wrote in 2010. Yet they seem to agree he is, at minimum, an irritant.

Jenkins said he often received emails from people asking him to remove their names from his website. “Usually I get the email, ‘Please, I’ve grown up. I don’t want this hurting me any further.’” Jenkins said he often removed the information.

“Really, the only condition is that you’re not involved any more,” Jenkins said. “I just want you to stop being a Nazi! Is that too much to ask?” ... story.html
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby Luther Blissett » Fri Mar 03, 2017 5:31 pm

Check out this bullshit. This is what they think of themselves and of the left. This one's hilarious.

Jacobin, Frogtwitter And The New Avant-Garde

So it appears, so as not to be left out of the wave of Anti-AltRight hysteria, Jacobin Mag (or Jacobin Shit Rag as it is affectionately known) has decided to dedicate an entire issue to debunking this new form of Right-wing "False Consciousness."

This new wave of Right Wing enthusiasm is, apparently, an issue of pressing concern for the emaciated adjunct professors and underemployed MFAs who comprise most of Jacobin's pool of literary talent. Whom, to their credit, have at least have been able to recognize some of the sources of the appeal of much of Trump's New Right Agenda i.e. anti-Neoliberal Globalism, economic protectionism, etc. without deluding themselves entirely into believing that Clinton's loss was due solely to White people being "Racist."

This has always been a tricky tightrope for Modern Marxists to walk, as Neoliberal Progressives have essentially cornered the market on identity politics. Thus, Jacobin and co. are in the unenviable position of having to simultaneously attempt to form a broad-based multi-ethnic political movement based on class solidarity (which in the U.S. would have to include White Working Class Rednecks and various other undesirables) while also signaling their Anti-Racist bonafides.

Yet not even having Toussaint Louverture, the murderous leader of the Haitian Revolution, as their avatar has prevented Progressives from leveling thinly veiled insinuations of Racism their way. Hence the entire Sanderista Left (the vanguard of which is led by Jacobin) finds itself in something of an ideological pickle it can't seem to wiggle out of.

Thus in light of this situation, it is all the more amusing when one reads an article in which Jacobin accuses the newly blossomed online Right of being stuck in an insoluble contradiction: Paleoncons for Porn.

The essence of the argument contained therein is that the online Right's transgressive nature (in regards pornography, promiscuity, general libertinism, etc.) cannot be assimilated into the more traditional, Paleonconish worldview of much of the new Trumpist conservatism:

While liberals enjoyed cultural hegemony and became complacent and intellectually lazy, the young transgressives of the alt-right produced an undeniable level of creative energy. The war for the soul of America Pat Buchanan waged in the 1990s has long since been won by the cultural left, and the tyrannical overreach of liberal intellectual conformity undoubtedly helped create the youthful rebellion against it. But this temporary alliance of very different factions — the most stark being between the traditionalist right and the libertinism of chan culture — has produced a schizophrenic incoherence.

The alt-right mourns European culture’s decline but has itself created the most degraded and degenerate forms of culture the West has ever seen in its own fetid forums. It romanticizes the West but hates its Christian “slave morality” and the best of its intellectual traditions. The alt-right uses the now completely bankrupt language of counterculture and transgression when they talk about being “the new punk,” which should serve as a reminder of how empty those ideas have now become

Now the author, understandably, seems to have a rather distorted and confused understanding of what exactly the forces she's criticizing actually are. Although one may like to impute goodwill on her part (the online Right can be quite confusing after all), it's far more likely she's simply being lazy. After all for the common Leftist Right wing movements all too often just seem to blend together into an undifferentiated "Racist," "Sexist," "Fascist" Borg cube of evil. So why even bother to attempt to differentiate between these equally vile philosophies?

That being said, she is able, somewhat haphazardly, to recognize the so-called "Chan" culture as being the actual center or genesis of this libertine rebellion against progressive cultural norms. Probably the best example of this, in terms of quality content output, has been the so-called #frogtwitter cabal which was described in a recent Medium piece as:

frogtwitter’s ideology mixes “techno-fascist futurism” with “anti-industrial primitivism.” It’s a quite complex set of beliefs, few of which would be considered “fascist” in the contemporary sense. frogtwitter loves taboo ideas, and worships Michel Houellebecq. It’s obsessed with primitive, pre-industrial cultures (Menaquinone’s last profile described him as a Khoisian Nationalist) free from the computer/debt slavery that comes with being an American in 2017. They put a premium on physical fitness, semi-ironic lifting and gym talk are common. Simultaneously, they’re deeply entrenched in the worlds of video games and 4chan, sometimes finding liberation in technology. Menaquinone told me that frogtwitter is “an e-brotherhood/death cult/rapidly evolving collective thought-space that we all have outsourced part of our consciousness to.” frogtwitter yearns for both the future and the past.

As odd as such a movement may sound to those not familiar with the intricacies of the obscure online subculture in question, it nonetheless represents a genuine expression of creative energy and power. A Dionysian rebellion against the rotting corpse of American society, a society whose putrid stench has, in the last 25 years, managed to fill the nostrils of the entire world with the unbearable odor of its decay.

They have chosen to rebel against the torpid mechanisms of modern life, but have not done so in the conventional way i.e. a direct rejection. No, they have instead chosen to confront the horror (and thus the reality) of Modern life with open eyes, the atomization, violence, hedonism, cruelty, alienation, superficiality all of it they have chosen to embrace and to embrace fully. They have chosen to drink the poison chalice to its dregs, to make a mask of horror and wear it proudly.

Both the Liberal and the Leftist have come together in one shrill chorus to denounce this revolt as "Nihilistic." Yet this charge could not be further from the truth, as it is precisely the implicit Nihilism of modern life against which they revolt. A Nihilism which is fully embraced by the critics who hurl the accusation so carelessly. These critics are the swine of humanity, who have spent so much time wallowing in their own excrement that they accuse the man who tries to clean their sty of criminality and uncleanness.

And it is cleanness which the men of Frogtwitter and their fellow travelers offer; they seek to purify themselves through negation, to chosen to follow the absurd logic of Modernity to its end.

They have thrown themselves into Weimerica's soul thresher; their works are merely the sound the machine makes as it shreds them into its gears.

Thus, they have become heroes as well as the new, Right Wing avant-garde.

Of course, for an ostensibly Marxist rag like Jacobin, this is an unacceptable state of affairs. After all, historically it was always the Left which was, at least for the past half century, the sole repository of artistic energy and sophistication and it was only they who supposedly could lead a successful revolt against the Neoliberal status quo. This was, at least, the self-flattering story with which they narrated their existences.

The reality is that far from being a significant challenge to "the system" they have, instead, always been an integral part of it. And as the American Left is comprised almost entirely of the Progressive minded children of the middle and upper middle classes, this is unsurprising. This was as true in George Orwell's day (the 1930s) as it is today, as he glumly noted:

The first thing that must strike any outside observer is that Socialism, in its developed form is a theory confined entirely to the middle classes. The typical Socialist is not, as tremulous old ladies imagine, a ferocious-looking working man with greasy overalls and a raucous voice. He is either a youthful snob-Bolshevik who in five years' time will quite probably have made a wealthy marriage and been converted to Roman Catholicism; or, still more typically, a prim little man with a white-collar job, usually a secret teetotaller and often with vegetarian leanings, with a history of Nonconformity behind him, and, above all, with a social position which he has no intention of forfeiting.

Is this not the perfect caricature of our modern "Jacobins"? A collection of lifeless careerists, uninteresting faux-bohemians, and failed novelists who possess all the advanced rhetorical tools an expensive Ivy League education can buy and yet still somehow manage to have nothing worth saying.

It is then no wonder why the Left, not only in America, but throughout the world is as moribund as the system it pretends to critique. Their critique of Liberalism is as soft and gentle as their own, inflamed, midsections.

Their supposed "socialism" is a fashion statement, an attempt to obtain the valuable and rare "cultural capital" necessary to stay afloat in the Modern Social Marketplace of America's SWPL creative class. This "cultural capital" serves the same purpose for the coffee shop hipster as feathers do for the peacock. Or as Nicholas Gomez Davila bluntly put it:

A motto for the young leftist: revolution and pussy.

But this kind of Neo-Marxist Ideology is not simply a kind of aphrodisiac for our young coffee shop "Marxists" but also, and more importantly, it serves as a "spice" with which to flavor their otherwise unremarkable and boring lives, as was described recently by one of the best and underappreciated bloggers currently typing:

We will even go so far as to say that Technocrats associated themselves with Communism to boost their own self-image.The truth is that Communist revolutionaries have always held an aura of romanticism and excitement for Technocrat Liberals that the latter cannot hope to find in their own lives.The harsh reality for Progressives is that they are just bureaucrats entrusted with far too much power. The vast majority of them are doomed to a boring, unsatisfying existence as underpaid activists for non-profits, faceless bureaucrats lost in the labyrinth of DC bureaucratic machinery, run of the mill academics, or starving teaching associates with no chance of ever gaining tenure, etc. Those few Progressives who do achieve stardom are often frustrated by their inability to advance their agenda.

This then is essentially the formula that makes the Neo-Marxism which is sold to the children of America's Upper Middle class so attractive: a combination of Social Capital and Romance.

Furthermore, Jacobin and other Socialist rags like it also act as a kind of guilt release mechanism for the modern Bourgeois Bohemian. The Fat Slovenian Marxist sage Slavoj Zizek (himself an occasional contributor to Jacobin) observed as much:

Zizek is talking about the vapid humanitarian marketing of Starbucks, but he could easily also be referring to outlets like Jacobin (and by extension of course, to his own work as well.) Granted the parallel is not an exact one, but it does fit once you focus on the functionality of the gimmick in question. The gimmick of Starbuck's faux-humanitarianism is that it allows the consumer to simultaneously consume a product while also buying his penance for the sin of consuming. While a publication like Jacobin is not necessarily a consumer product in precisely the same way, it does serve a similar purpose to that of Starbuck's cup-o-joe humanitarianism. Namely, that it serves as a kind of purchased indulgence with which the Bourgeois Bohemian class which reads it can justify their own life choices. For example, on the surface spending 80 dollars on a brunch of bottomless mimosas, living in a refurbished loft, or going on exotic vacations may seem like extremely "unsocialist" activities, but if one indulges in them while clutching a copy of Jacobin and waxing poetic about the need for a universal basic income or the glories of Rojava the situation suddenly becomes entirely acceptable.

Thus, we can now circle back to our original point: that it is, in fact, the NeoMarxist Left which has an untenable contradiction within it, as it actively serves the very forces (the Neoliberal "system") which it claims to oppose.

After all, when was the last time someone was fired from their job for being a "Leftist?" The answer is: sometime in the late 1950s. Contrast this with the status of right wing Samizdat, possession of which will almost certainly lead to immediate dismissal in almost any professional position.

Thus, the Right has now become the de facto avant-garde for a new era. Only it has the vital energy to genuinely challenge the Modern West's decaying paradigms and to regress the codes of life-denying puritanism which our effete coastal dwellers have buffoonishly mistaken for a legitimate system of morality.

So the void striders of Frogtwitter will soldier on, driven by a force which none of them can fully articulate yet one which still nonetheless compels them onward. And this force issues them only one commandment: create.

For out of the corpse of Liberal Society new life forces will emerge, and its carcass will serve merely as fertilizer for what we will grow:

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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 03, 2017 8:33 pm

Meet Daniel Friberg, the Swedish mining tycoon bankrolling the alt-right's global media empire

Daniel Friberg has sponsored websites, think tanks and publishing houses to spread white nationalist ideology.


Neo-Nazi past

In his youth, Friberg had his head shaved, hung out with members of neo-Nazi group the Swedish Resistance, and had several run-ins with the law, spending time in prison for crimes including weapons offences.

In contrast with the clichéd image of the angry young man from a deprived background drawn to neo-Nazi subculture, Friberg is well-educated and comes from a middle-class, left-wing family, writes US musicologist Benjamin Teitelbaum in his book Lions of the North. Friberg claimed he was drawn to the far right after witnessing immigrant children targeting whites at a multicultural school where he was educated.

Right-wing extremists clash with members of an anti-Nazism demonstration in the Stockholm suburb of Karrtorp December 15, 2013.

His CV is that of a successful young European executive. He earned an MBA from Gothenburg University in 2006, working in finance and management consultancy before becoming CEO of Wiking Mineral, a precious metals mining company.

Since his early 20s Friberg has distanced himself from the thuggish image of neo-Nazi subculture, replacing boots and crew cut with expensive suits. He has devoted his efforts to detoxifying and revitilising far-right ideology, and spreading it among a young, educated and elite audience.

He has adopted the Marxist concept of "metapolitics", which he defines as a "a war of social transformation, fought on the level of worldview, thought, and culture". He wants to oust the so-called "cultural Marxists" who he claims have infiltrated culture with left-wing ideology.

"He wants to create a generation of educated, well-dressed, upstanding nationalists and leaders," says Teitelbaum, who knows Friberg personally. "It is about the view that you can't change politics at the polling booth, you have to change the culture, you have to have people who can write, speak and produce art and media to go out and change culture before you have a political movement. That is what he wanted to do."

Friberg's renewed bid to spread white nationalism comes with Sweden and much of Europe engaged in fierce debate about mass immigration and its consequences. Long a bastion of liberal values, Sweden has in recent years seen a surge in support for the anti-immigrant Sweden Democrats, as immigration rose to record levels in 2013 and the country accepted hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers.

Friberg has claimed in an interview that the Sweden Democrats can pave the way for a more radical position he calls identitarianism, which he argues is about defending the rights of whites to form their own communities and embrace their own culture. He insists that his is not a vision of an exclusively white Sweden and Europe.

"I'm not an absolutist in that regard. It is not part of our ideology to make all of our countries 100% white," he says.

"I'm advocating for functioning societies – and as we have seen over the past few decades, that can't be multicultural. That doesn't mean we can't have a normal level of immigration – all European countries had a number of immigrants come to their countries before – this new concept of mass migration is harming our societies."

'Rebranding fascism'

For critics though, Friberg's identitarian project is simply an attempt to rebrand fascism for a new generation.

"The new right is very much about the idea that Italian fascism or German National Socialism are not presentable as something new and radical now, they need rebranding, they need repackaging," says Jonathan Leman, from Sweden's anti-racism magazine Expo.

"The key factors are anti-liberal democracy as we know it, and to create a homogenous Sweden and Europe which is white – and that is compatible with the views of neo-Nazis," he says.

In previous interviews Friberg has expressed his belief in the key importance of ethnicity. "The identitarian point of view is centered around ethnicity rather than culture and underscores the evident link between culture and biology," he told Swedish far-right news site Fria Tider in 2013.

When pressed, Friberg says that he is not actually a so-called "cultural nationalist", who believes that people from any race can be integrated into Sweden, "because I do believe that ethnicity is important".

He continues: "I don't believe in integration, I do believe in assimilation – that is how it has always worked."

He goes on to claim he supports the right of Muslim women to wear headscarves in Sweden, highlighting the strange tension between his belief in homogenised societies, and his attempt to present a vision of a sanitised nationalism in which all traditions are respected.

Red Ice and anti-Semitism

Friberg has created a close-knit network, with publishing house Arktos disseminating ideas, think tank Motpol providing a forum where they are discussed, and a media network popularising them in slickly produced viral videos.

Saturday's conference was livestreamed by Red Ice, a key member of Friberg's alt-right media network. The video and radio streaming service is geared to an audience of media-savvy millennials in the US and Europe. Its two hosts, Henrik Palmgren and Lena Lokteff, provide a heady mix of anti-Semitic conspiracy theories and white nationalist ideology, alongside bizarre features on traditional Nordic crafts and cookery.

Lana Lokteff addresses the Stockholm conference

When asked about about notorious Holocaust denier Michael Hoffman being interviewed on the channel, and of the presence of US alt-right video blogger Paul Ray Ramsey (aka Ramzpaul) at Saturday's event, who has questioned why one should feel sorrow for the victims of the Holocaust, Friberg pleads ignorance.

He says he does not get time to watch all Red Ice programmes, and was not aware of Ramsey's anti-Semitism. "I don't think the Holocaust has a special privileged place in this tragedy [of WWII]. The whole thing is awful, it was the worst thing that happened in Europe last century", he says, citing German and Ukrainian victims of Soviet violence.

Friberg was also closely involved with setting up, a messaging board that attracted nationalists and far-right supporters from throughout Scandinavia, including Norwegian far-right mass killer Anders Breivik, who murdered 77 people, most of them children, in a series of attacks on 2 July 2011. Breivik claimed he was targeting "cultural Marxists" undermining white identity in the attack.

More at: ... re-1608221
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Fri Mar 03, 2017 10:24 pm

Inside the alt-right: Stockholm conference brings together US and European white nationalists

Estonian far-right activist Ruuben Kaalep

In a speech at the event Jason Reza Jorjani, a US academic and editor-in-chief at Arktos Media, hailed the unification of the alt-right as "momentous".

He said the development was "catalysed by the rise of Trump, but in the long run will prove to be even more significant for the redemption and revitalisation of our world" describing how "the new right or alternative right movement came together to join a centralised power structure."

He said that the National Policy Institute think tank of notorious alt-right ideologue Richard Spencer, Arktos Media and Motpol, which were founded by Friberg, and the Red Ice alt-right media network of Swede Henrik Palmgren, had been brought together under a new umbrella organisation –

In his speech Palmgren praised Trump, who had earlier vexed Swedish officials when he referenced a non-existent terror attack in country.

Palmgren said that Swedish authorities covered up attacks by refugees, who he said were "turning the next generation of Europeans into strangers in their own countries".

"It is brilliant to have a guy in there like Trump, who is so unpredictable, and at many times seemed to channel the spirit of kek [an alt-right mock deity]. And bring attention to many of the things the establishment has covered up." ... lm-1608944
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Sat Mar 04, 2017 8:24 am

Generation Identity: How the European alt-right is planning a British invasion

English Defence League (EDL) supporters shout at anti fascist protestors during a rally outside Downing Street, London on May 27, 2013

Just as in the UK, Generation Identitaire is seeking to build a following in the US, and it has its fans – first among them Richard B Spencer, the white nationalist and Donald Trump aficionado, who gave an interview to a French online publication in February 2017 during which he said: "I consider myself an identitarian."

White supremacists are adept at couching their politics in pseudo-intellectual terms ("racial realism" anyone?) but Spencer's reference was an interesting one: the identitarian movement is a growing phenomenon in Europe, not least in France, where many of its activists are involved in the campaign of Marine Le Pen.

According to analysis by the US Southern Poverty Law Centre, the identitarian movement grew out of the far-right and anti-Muslim Bloc Identitaire movement in the early 2000s, which made its name with widely condemned stunts such as distributing soup that contained pork – which is forbidden under Islam – in Muslim neighbourhoods. ... on-1607986
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Re: The “Alternative Right"

Postby American Dream » Sat Mar 04, 2017 7:19 pm

https://meldungen-aus-dem-exil.noblogs. ... -the-frog/

The Ballad of Pepe the Frog

Let me tell you the story of Pepe the Frog,
who would have done well to remain on his log,
contenting himself with the mossies and flies.
But he gave himself airs, and that’s why Pepe died.

Young Pepe’s first words were ‚I’m better than this.‘
His fellow tadpoles said ‚You’re taking the piss!‘
And thus from the very day that he was hatched,
Our Pepe was known as the prick of the batch.

‘That’s it, then,’ said Pepe, ‘I’m leaving this log
To tell the world of feminazis and ZOG,
For then they won’t bother those who turn the screws,
They’ll blame it on foreigners, blacks, and the Jews.’

But soon, Pepe wondered, ‘Oh, what will I eat?’
But an earwig told him where the hunting’s a treat
And the tastiest brains all defencelessly roam.
So 4Chan’s fragrant bogs became Pepe’s new home.

He wrote to the log to tell of his new friends,
‘With Spencer and Bannon, the fun never ends!
We’re making the memes and dividing the loot.’
But he never expected the Antifa boot.

You’d think Pepe’s life was off to a great start,
He helped strike the fear into many a heart.
With Trump in DC he was loving the craic,
So much that wee Pepe did not watch his back.

‘Those lefties are cowards,’ he’d oft heard it said,
‘And if you turn up heavy, they’ll run off in dread.
They’re just keyboard warriors; they’ll run from a fight.‘
As Pepe’d soon learn, this was a bunch of shite.

That day on the streets with all his new friends,
Pepe’d never have guessed that his joy would soon end.
That frog was plain giddy as he took in the scene
Of boneheads with bottles and AR-15s.

When all had arrived, they were led by the cops
to a corner with a mosque and a nice halal shop,
and a synagogue offering a free Yiddish class.
Our Pepe looked forward to kicking some ass.

On such a great day for the men with white laces,
From emptying the bottles they were all off their faces.
The first firebomb they threw did not land with a crack;
It was caught by a comrade, who chucked it right back.

The bottle broke open, the flames soon drew near.
Pepe heard a voice say ‘get the fuck out of here!’
Some of his friends answered by raising their guns,
But soon found out that theirs weren’t the only ones.

Pepe made froggy cough sounds as he choked on the smoke,
And all his friends ran from the butt of their jokes.
He sat blinded by smoke, fire, and muzzle flash,
And the first boot to hit him belonged to the fash.

One after another, the master race fled.
Pepe’d seen better days, but he still wasn’t dead.
His frog eyes were bulging, and he had a hunch
That what he’d puked up wasn’t only his lunch.

Pepe wanted to run when a red and black boot,
Took both his legs clean off and rendered it moot.
He was stomped, and to add to his growing ennui,
He soon started a new life as cuisse de grenouille.

As he breathed his last, our wee fascist frog,
Wondered how things were going back home on the log.
The locals breathed easy, with nothing to fear.
And a white guy with dreadlocks shed Pepe’s first tear.
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