by wintler » Mon Oct 17, 2005 4:59 am
MIM had it, onya 'Nico' & Indymedia, see <br><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK START--><a href="http://www.melbourne.indymedia.org/news/2005/10/97148.php">www.melbourne.indymedia.o.../97148.php</a><!--EZCODE AUTOLINK END--><br><br>Posting full text here for safety thru redundancy; theres a couple of associated newspaper articles appended, i've left them there as give handy semi-summaries of transcript.<br><br>--<br><br>SBS DATELINE <br>Archives - October 12, 2005 <br>Inside Indonesia's War on Terror <br>Today - as you would almost certainly know - is the third <br>anniversary of the first Bali bombing and our major report tonight <br>provides an alarming twist to the ongoing terror campaign being <br>waged in Indonesia. David O'Shea, a long-time "Indonesia-watcher", <br>reports that where terrorism is concerned in that country - with <br>its culture of corruption within the military, the police, the <br>intelligence services and politics itself - all is never quite what <br>it seems. <br>REPORTER: David O’Shea <br><br>When the second Bali bomb exploded, Australia once again found <br>itself on the front line in the war on terror. But for Indonesians, <br>this was simply the latest in a long line of atrocities. They have <br>born the brunt of hundreds of attacks over the years, most of them <br>unreported in the West. <br>Once again Australia and Indonesia joined forces in the hunt for <br>the Bali killers. <br><br>SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO, INDONEASIAN PREIDENT: We are determined <br>to continuously fight terrorism in Indonesia with an effective <br>global, regional and international cooperation. <br><br>JOHN HOWARD, AUSTRALIAN PRIME MINISTER: Tragic incidents such as <br>this so far from driving apart the people of Australia and <br>Indonesia would only bring us closer together. <br><br>This show of unity is impressive and it plays well to Australian <br>audiences but many Indonesians don't see it that way. <br><br>JOHN MEMPI, SECURITY AND INTELLIGENCE ANALYST (Translation): Why <br>this endless violence? Why are there acts of terrorism year in, <br>year out? Regimes change, governments change, but violence <br>continues. Why? <br>Because there is a sort of shadow state in this country. A state <br>within a state ruling this country. <br><br>For seven years I've reported from every corner of this vast nation <br>and seen first hand the havoc that terrorists wreak. Tonight I want <br>to tell you a very different story about Indonesia's war on terror. <br>It contains many disturbing allegations even from a former <br>president. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, FORMER INDONESIAN PRESIDENT: The Australians if <br>they get the truth, I think it's a grave mistake. <br><br>REPORTER: What do you mean? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Yeah, who knows that the owners to do this, to <br>do that -- orders to do this, to do that came from within our own <br>forces, not from the culprits, from the fundamentalist people. <br><br>(1) TERRORISM - THE CASH COW: <br><br>Indonesia's police are doing very nicely, thank you very much, out <br>of the war on terror. They now have all the latest equipment, <br>courtesy of the millions of dollars pouring in from the West. <br>The money ensures the world's most populous Muslim nation remains <br>on side in the fight against terrorism. <br>Mastering all of this new technology represents a steep learning <br>curve for the Indonesian police. Unfortunately today they forget to <br>set up the X-ray machine properly. <br><br>POLICE (Translation): Is the film in? <br><br>POLICE 2 (Translation): I haven't put it in yet. <br><br>Luckily there's an old print lying around from a previous exercise. <br>Because of the war on terror, American and Australian support for <br>the Indonesian police has never been stronger. <br>During Dai Bachtiar's 5-year reign as police chief, Indonesia <br>endured countless act of terror including three major ones - in <br>Bali, then the Marriott Hotel and the Australian Embassy in <br>Jakarta. These massive blasts might have forced the resignation of <br>any other senior official but Dai Bachtiar managed to survive with <br>the backing of powerful friends at home and abroad. <br><br>POLICE CHIEF (Translation): I met Paul Wolfowitz. <br><br>In Indonesia's parliament earlier this year, I found the police <br>chief boasting about how he gets the star treatment when he visits <br>Washington. <br><br>POLICE CHIEF (Translation): I went to Washington, to the White <br>Hosue, to the West Wing. I spoke to Colin Powell in his office. I <br>went to the Pentagon, I met the director of the CIA, the director <br>of the FBI, I met them all. <br><br>Indonesia's police are in charge of the war on terror. Years of <br>human rights abuse by the Indonesian military, or TNI, mean it's <br>now out of favour in Washington, but it seems the police can do no <br>wrong. <br><br>POLICE CHIEF (Translation): I asked Powell. "You say the TNI has to <br>reform, don't the police have to as well?" Building trust takes <br>time. <br><br>Many Indonesians would find the idea of trusting the police <br>laughable. It has long been regarded as one of the most corrupt and <br>incompetent institutions in the country. <br>Former president, Abdurrahman Wahid sums up what many people here <br>belief. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: All of them are liars. <br><br>REPORTER: Just to be clear, you have your doubts about the police <br>ability to investigate properly all of this? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Oh, yes. <br><br>But none of this seems to worry Indonesia's allies in the war on <br>terror. <br><br>POLICE (Translation): Have you just got back? <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR, POLICE CHIEF (Translation): I see this man a lot. <br><br>POLICE (Translation): Were you in America? Did you get any more <br>money? <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR (Translation): 10 million. We get big bucks. We got 50 <br>million all up. Sure. They keep asking about 88. <br><br>That's Detachment 88, the police counter-terror unit which receives <br>a great deal of the international aid, including substantial <br>assistance from Australia. <br>Like the military, Detachment 88 is controversial. Its members <br>stand accused of repeatedly using torture in interrogation of <br>suspects. But these allegations don't seem to even raise an eyebrow. <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR (Translation): The Secretary-General of Interpol came <br>to visit Aceh. I met him. He said our police were dealing with <br>terrorism in a professional manner. 500 million euros. For the <br>police. Long term. So far I've received directly 500 from Denmark. <br>They gave 5, but 500 all up. The Dutch gave 2. <br><br>The money is flowing like water but outside the chamber, unrelated <br>to the anti-terror funding, is a scene that should make donors <br>think twice. <br>A man from the Religious Affairs Commission sitting next door <br>counts cash to be distributed amongst voting politicians. Call it <br>corruption or even the trickle down effect, but it's this kind of <br>informal funds distribution which keeps the wheels turning in the <br>Indonesian economy. <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR (Translation): Well now, for example, the other day I <br>got 2 million from Holland... From America... it was 50. Is it 50 <br>already? You know how much the army got? 600. Then they had to get <br>involved. <br><br>With all the cash flowing about, some politicians want to stay as <br>close as possible to Dai Bachtiar. <br><br>POLITICIAN (Translation): Isn't our police chief great? That's <br>obvious. <br><br>With the cash cow growing fatter by the day, some analysts even <br>suggest the police now have too much to gain from the war on terror. <br><br>JOHN MEMPI (Translation): But why is there always this worry about <br>bombings? This subservience to foreigners, this paranoia about <br>bombs. You must help us with money, with equipment and training, so <br>that we can do something. We need funds to combat these terrorists. <br>And to convince the foreigners bombings do happen. Indeed there are <br>acts of terrorism in Indonesia but done by "terrorists" in inverted <br>commas. <br><br>(2) A TERRORIST ON THE PAYROLL: <br><br>To most Australians terrorism in Indonesia means Jemaah Islamiah. <br>Abu Bakar Bashir, Dr Azahari and Noordin Mohammed Top have become <br>household names and we're led to believe they're the masterminds <br>behind every atrocity. <br>But there's another side to the JI story that Australia hasn't <br>heard and it's part of the extraordinary family history of this man. <br><br>LAMKARUNA PUTRA (Translation): This is Tengku Fauzi Hasbi after he <br>was released. He returned to working and supporting his family. <br><br><br>Lamkaruna Putra's father was an Acehnese separatist leader <br>descended from a long line of Acehnese fighters. He went on to <br>become a key figure in Jemaah Islamiah. Fauzi Hasbi who used the <br>alias Abu Jihad was in contact with Osama bin Laden's deputy. <br>He lived for many years in the house next door to Abu Bakar Bashir <br>in Malaysia and was very close to JI operations chief Hambali. <br>Umar Abduh is an Islamist convicted of terrorism and jailed for 10 <br>years under the Suharto regime. He belonged to a group that <br>attacked police stations and hijacked a Garuda flight to Bangkok. <br>He remembers Fauzi Hasbi as a hardliner who traded arms was willing <br>to commit acts of violence. <br><br>UMAR ABDUH (Translation): Fauzi Hasbi is known in the Islamic <br>movement as someone who, from the beginning, has supported the <br>Jihad as the struggle of the Muslim people, aside from his <br>background in the Free Ache Movement. <br><br>Fauzi Hasbi was so relaxed amongst the militants, and they with <br>him, that he even took his son to a critical meeting in Kuala <br>Lumpur in January 2000 as JI was preparing for its violent <br>campaign. The attendance list was a who's who of accused terrorists. <br><br>LAMKARUNA PUTRA (Translation): There was someone from MILF in <br>Mindanao, his name was Ustad Abu Rela, commander of the Abu Sayyaf. <br>Ustad Abdul Fatah from Patani was there. People from Sulawesi and <br>West Java came to the meeting. <br>The organisation was managed by Hambali. Rabitah means <br>organisation. It linked Islamic organisations. <br><br>REPORTER (Translation): So Hambali was chairman? <br><br>LAMKARUNA PUTRA (Translation): Yes, Hambali chaired it. <br><br>Hambali and co would have known their colleague Fauzi Hasbi had <br>been captured in 1978 by this Indonesian military special forces <br>unit but they wouldn't have known that he became a secret agent for <br>Indonesian military intelligence. <br>The commanding officer that caught him was Syafrie Syamsuddin, now <br>a general and one of Indonesia's key military intelligence figures. <br>These documents obtained by Dateline prove beyond doubt that Fauzi <br>Hasbi had a long association with the military. <br>This 1990 document, signed by the chief of military intelligence in <br>North Sumatra, authorised Fauzi Hasbi to undertake a special job. <br>And this 1995 internal memo from military intelligence HQ in <br>Jakarta was a request to use brother Fauzi Hasbi to spy on Acehnese <br>separatist, not only in Indonesia but in Malaysia and Sweden. <br>And then this document, from only three years ago, assigned him the <br>job of special agent for BIN, the national intelligence agency. <br>Security analyst John Mempi says Fauzi Hasbi alias Abu Jihad played <br>a crucial role within JI in its early years. <br><br>JOHN MEMPI (Translation): The first Jemaah Islamiyah congress in <br>Bogor was facilitated by Abu Jihad, after Abu Bakar Bashir returned <br>from Malaysia. <br>We can see that Abu Jihad played an important role, he was later <br>found to be an intelligence agent. So an intelligence agent has <br>been facilitating the radical Islamic movement. <br><br>The extraordinary story of Fauzi Hasbi raises many important <br>questions about JI and the Indonesian authorities. Why didn't they <br>smash the terror group in its infancy? Do they still have agents in <br>the organisation? And what information, if any, have they had in <br>advance about the recent deadly spate of terror attacks? <br>The Indonesian intelligence chief refused Dateline's request for an <br>interview and dead men tell no tales. The man who held all the <br>secrets, Abu Jihad was disembowelled in a mysterious murder in <br>early 2003, just after he was exposed as a military agent. His son, <br>Lamkaruna Putra died in this plane crash last month. <br><br>(3) PROMOTING TERRORISM: <br><br>Fauzi Hasbi's death led to a flurry of speculation about shadowy <br>intelligence links to Indonesia's terror networks. <br><br>UMAR ABDUH (Translation): So there is not a single Islamic group, <br>either in the movement or the political groups that is not <br>controlled by Intel. Everyone does what they say. <br><br>Umar Abduh says his terrorist group was incited to violence after <br>infiltrators showed a letter saying Muslim clerics would be <br>assassinated. <br><br>UMAR ABDUH (Translation): There is a document stating that the <br>Muslim leaders would be executed, we as a younger generation were <br>immediately angered. Damn it, this is not right, we have to kill <br>all those Cabinet members and military leaders, that was our plan. <br><br>And he's not the only one who says he was used by intelligence <br>agents. Another convicted terrorist is Timsar Zubil who exploded <br>three bombs in Sumatra in 1978. Although no-one was killed, he paid <br>a heavy price. <br><br>TIMSAR ZUBIL (Translation): At first I was sentenced to death, it <br>was changed to a life sentence, I served 22years. <br><br>Zubil now believes he was set up by former president Suharto's <br>intelligence agency. <br><br>TIMSAR ZUBIL (Translation): We may have deliberately been allowed <br>to grow in such a way, that we young people who were very <br>emotional, were provoked into committing illegal acts. <br><br>REPORTER (Translation): Who let this happen? <br><br>TIMSAR ZUBIL (Translation): The ones who had the authority to ban <br>us, in this case the ones in power, the Suharto regime. I have only <br>started thinking of this recently, but at the time I was active, I <br>didn’t think it through. <br><br>After Zubil was captured, beaten and tortured, something remarkable <br>occurred. The authorities made up a provocative name for his group - <br>Komando Jihad. <br><br>TIMSAR ZUBIL (Translation): It hadn’t occurred to us to use that <br>name, but they told us that was to be the name of our organisation. <br>We had no plans to use the name Komando Jihad. They told us to just <br>accept it for the time being and if we wanted to deny it later in <br>court, that was up to us. But it made no difference to the court, <br>they insisted that the name was indeed ours. <br><br>(4) STATE SPONSORED TERROR: <br><br>Indonesia's recent history of terrorist attacks began with a deadly <br>campaign that unfolded on Christmas Eve 2000. Bombs exploded almost <br>simultaneously at 18 sites, mostly churches, across six provinces, <br>19 people died and 120 were injured. <br>Jemaah Islamiah took the blame. It was the first real mention of <br>the group in Australia. But Indonesians had another theory - they <br>suspected the military, the only organisation with the capacity to <br>pull off an operation of this scale, a full two years before the <br>first Bali bomb. <br>The respected news magazine Tempo even splashed the allegation on <br>its front cover as part of a special investigation. The most <br>revealing information in the report related to the bomber's network <br>operating in Medan, North Sumatra. The man convicted of making the <br>bombs in Medan is somewhere behind these prison walls. <br>Our repeated requests to interview Edi Sugiarto over many months <br>have been ignored by the Indonesian authorities. Guilty or not, <br>reputable sources claim he was so severely tortured before his <br>trial he would have admitted to anything. But it's clear he wasn't <br>acting alone. <br>The Tempo investigation included telephone records revealing <br>sensational information of direct links between the bombers and <br>military intelligence. The records also show that Fauzi Hasbi, the <br>military intelligence agent in Jemaah Islamiah who we mentioned <br>earlier, was at the centre of the plot. He had spoken to Edi <br>Sugiarto, the bomb maker, seven times and had also called a <br>businessman well connected with the military 35 times. <br>That businessman in turn rang a Kopassus special forces <br>intelligence officer 15 times and the officer had called the <br>businessman 56 times. <br>With Edi Sugiarto in jail, all further investigation ceased and <br>five years on, sources in Medan are too afraid to talk. The trail <br>has gone stone cold. <br><br>(5) TERROR IN TENTENA: <br><br>George Aditjondro is an early riser. As Indonesia's leading <br>researcher into corruption in high places there never seem to be <br>enough hours in the day. For two years he's been investigating a <br>terror campaign in Poso, Central Sulawesi. His research reveals <br>that terror in Indonesia is much more complex than we are led to <br>believe. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: There is a mafia, a corruption mafia in Poso who <br>were defending the interests of themselves because if the <br>corruption leaked, the corruption mafia could be exposed, that <br>means the end of their career and also the end of their additional <br>income. <br><br>Aditjondro says this corrupt network of local government officials, <br>police and others is using terror to protect a local racquet in <br>Central Sulawesi. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: Between corruption and terror, there is a very <br>close link because those who were carrying out the terror were paid <br>with corruption money. <br><br>Central Sulawesi had just emerged from years of conflict before the <br>latest outrage on May 28 this year. In the predominantly Christian <br>town of Tentena, 60km to the south of Poso, two bombs left 23 <br>people dead. A blast that claimed more victims than the second Bali <br>attack, but received scant coverage outside Indonesia. <br>The first foreign journalist to arrive on the scene, without any <br>evidence at all reported Jemaah Islamiah was to blame for the <br>attack and then promptly flew back to Jakarta. <br>Like the latest Bali bombs, the two bombs that exploded here were <br>full of shrapnel, designed to kill and maim. The first one went off <br>at 8.05 in the morning when the market is busiest. <br><br>WOMAN (Translation): This is a thoroughfare, people are always <br>passing, people who want to go there pass here. <br><br>This woman is one of thousands of Christian refugees who found <br>sanctuary in Tentena during sectarian violence that cost hundreds <br>of lives in recent years. <br><br>WOMAN (Translation): I’m still traumatised. We were chased out of <br>our villages and came here, but it is not safe here either. <br><br>A second bomb blew 10 minutes later around 200m away on the other <br>side of the market. Reverend Rinaldy Damanik says it was placed and <br>timed to cause maximum casualties. <br><br>REVEREND RINALDY DAMANIK (Translation): The bits of metal in the <br>bomb flew as far as that church. What’s really going on? They <br>showed they can do it under the police’s noses. That’s the police <br>station, imagine this happening in front of the police station. <br><br>Reverend Damanik is a powerful figure in this Christian stronghold. <br>For years he defended his community as Islamic fighters swarmed in <br>to wage jihad. I first met him at Christmas in 2001 after villages <br>all around Tentena were razed. He was convinced the army was behind <br>the violence and had even left a calling card. <br><br>REVEREND RINALDY DAMANIK (Translation): This is an ammunition box <br>that we found at the time of the attacks in Sepe. It is clearly <br>labelled, Department of Defence, Republic of Indonesia. 1400 pieces <br>of 5.56mm calibre munitions. This means it was meant for M-16s. <br><br>George Aditjondro says that in every Indonesian hotspot, the army <br>foments trouble by funding and arming both sides. In the case of <br>Central Sulawesi, both Muslim and Christian militia. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: So the money do not have to come from rich <br>people like Osama bin Laden and the weapons doesn't have to come <br>from southern Philippines or from other exotic places but is <br>actually coming from the official sources and that is why I am <br>saying that the kind of terrorism which we see in Indonesia is home <br>grown terrorism. <br>It's a kind of duel function or triple function of the armed forces. <br><br>The late reverand Agustina Lumentut told me in 2001 that the <br>Indonesian military was using proxy armies to do their dirty work. <br><br>THE LATE REVEREND AGUSTINA LUMENTUT: It is for sure, for sure that <br>the army is behind the jihad, or in front of jihad, yeah. No other <br>interpretation. <br><br>It was proved beyond all doubt that one of the extremist groups, <br>the Laskar Jihad, was supplied, transported and incited by the <br>central government to go on its murderous spree. <br><br>THE LATE REVEREND AGUSTINA LUMENTUT: Who dare among them to say <br>"Stop going that." Because they have reason for doing that, they <br>are registered officially by the government, the central government. <br><br>Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is applauded in <br>Australia as a moderate Muslim leading the fight against terror in <br>Indonesia. But as the influential coordinating minister for <br>politics and security, he chose not to stop the Laskar Jihad and <br>was even supporting them. <br><br>SUSILO BAMBANG YUDOYONO: They also play a role in defending truth <br>and justice that is expected by Muslims in Indonesia. For me, as <br>far as what they are doing is legal and not violating law, then <br>this is OK. This was a ridiculous statement. <br><br>Yudhoyono was well aware of the carnage that was under way. <br>Since 2001 things had improved somewhat, as Reverend Damanik tells <br>these politicians from Jakarta visiting after the May 28 bombs. But <br>local leaders are afraid terrorism is being used to derail <br>reconciliation between Muslims and Christians. <br><br>REVEREND RINALDY DAMANIK (Translation): The wounds are very deep <br>but they can be endured. But the question is, what is happening to <br>this country? People can’t work because they’re always on their <br>guard, what can we achieve when we’re like that? What’s happening <br>to our country? We need to think about this, but it’s hard to <br>answer right now. <br><br>With weapons handed in and a peace deal holding up well, Reverend <br>Damanik's former sworn enemy is also very suspicious about the <br>times of the bomb in May. Muslim leader Adnan Arsan wonders whether <br>the attack was designed to prevent the army from leaving. <br><br>ADNAN ARSAN (Translation): Just when a security unit’s work is over <br>and someone says “We’re going home and I hope there’s no more <br>trouble…”Just as they are being recalled there’s another explosion <br>and more killing. <br><br>In the days following the blast, all the big names in Indonesian <br>security and intelligence descend on the area. Central Sulawesi <br>police commander Arianto Sutardi tells me the investigation is <br>going well. <br><br>REPORTER (Translation): Sir, have you any idea who the perpetrators <br>are? <br><br>ARIANTO SUTARDI, POLICE COMMANDER (Translation): We’ve arrested <br>some already and we’re pursuing others. <br><br>Then national police chief Dai Bachtiar, the man receiving all the <br>foreign cash arrives to assert his authority. After less than one <br>hour on the ground, he's made his assessment. <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR (Translation): We all hope… incidents like this are <br>criminal acts, we need to expose the perpetrators and put them on <br>trial. People entrust this task to the security forces. <br><br>Considering the evidence of corruption here and the police chief's <br>record of enforcing justice, that's unlikely. <br>George Aditjondro's research has uncovered a scam involving local <br>police who have looted up to $2 million for the resettlement of <br>refugees. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: You can see a cabal involving both the district <br>head, the acting district head at the time, certain police agents, <br>certain people within the department of social affairs and their <br>friends. They were carrying out both the corruption as well as <br>using the corruption money to pay the terrorists. <br>So you can see we are talking about home grown terrorism paid by <br>home grown corruption. <br><br>He says the May 28 Tentena blasts were an attempt to stop honest <br>police uncovering more about their scam. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: You can say that the bombing can be seen as the <br>apex, the ultimate development of the kind of terror which they <br>were committing. It had gone as far as paying police to decapitate <br>a village head man, the village head man of Pinadapa. <br><br>The corrupt and murderous cabal identified by Aditjondro is now <br>suing him and the police seem to be in no hurry at all to follow up <br>the leads as he identified. Instead on his departure the police <br>chief Dai Bachtiar offers another bland statement about the certain <br>groups responsible for the violence. <br><br>DAI-BACHTIAR (Translation): The situation seemed so promising but <br>certain groups have taken advantage of it to carry out actions such <br>as bombings, which of course will again cause fear and anxiety. <br><br>As Dai Bachtiar's plane heads back to Jakarta, more bigwigs arrive. <br>Syamsir Siregar is the recently appointed head of the national <br>intelligence agency BIN. His appearance is supposed to inspire <br>confidence in this investigation. But BIN has a long-standing <br>dismal reputation in Indonesia for dirty tricks. <br>The agency is currently fending off damning evidence that it was <br>behind the poisoning of Indonesia's best known human rights <br>campaigner, Munir Said Thalib. As I reported earlier this year, <br>Munir was given a lethal dose of arsenic in his orange juice on a <br>Garuda flight to Europe. <br>On the Tentena bomb investigation, Siregar has nothing to say. <br><br>REPORTER (Translation): If you don’t want to talk about this, what <br>about the Munir case? How’s the internal investigation into the <br>involvement of… <br><br>SYAMSIR SIREGAR (Translation): You speak good Indonesian! <br><br>REPORTER (Translation): If any rogue elements are involved, what <br>will you do? … <br><br>SYAMSIR SIREGAR (Translation): We’ll take action. I’ve given orders <br>to act against rogue elements. <br><br>Rogue elements indeed. Travelling with him is Timbul Silaen, he was <br>police chief during the carnage in East Timor. He was acquitted of <br>crimes against humanity, one of several commanders who escaped <br>justice for orchestrating the bloodshed. Now he's officially <br>retired from the police force. So what on earth is Timbul Silaen <br>doing here with the new chief of intelligence? <br>Is he just along for the ride or is he now on the intelligence <br>payroll? Whatever the answer, the continuing role of these same old <br>state terrorists is truly disturbing. <br>It's no wonder the locals are now deeply suspicious of anyone sent <br>in to protect them. While the police can claim some success <br>arresting terrorists in Java, in this region results are few and <br>far between. After years of state sponsored terror, no-one wants to <br>help the authorities. <br>This woman jokes that fear of talking to the police has become a <br>popular movement. <br><br>WOMAN (Translation): The tight lipped movement. People don’t want <br>to be witnesses. They are scared so they shut up, if they see <br>something they deny it, they’re scared. <br><br>The first real break in the investigation comes a week after the <br>attack and leads police to, of all places, Poso prison. <br>Incredible as it may sound, a police forensics team finds evidence <br>the bomb was manufactured in the workshop, used for prisoner <br>rehabilitation. <br><br>POLICE (Translation): It’s a workshop for teaching them welding <br>skills. <br><br>The fact that the bomb may have been assembled in a state-run <br>facility further bolsters the central thrust of Aditjondro's <br>remarkable research. That there is high level involvement in terror <br>in Sulawesi. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: What we have found out is just the tip of the <br>iceberg. It shows a permanent pattern which has been going on for <br>the last five years. <br><br>For the record, the authorities reject his allegations. <br><br>(6) QUESTIONS ABOUT BALI: <br><br><br>Two weeks after the second Bali attack and despite plenty of help <br>from the Australian Federal Police, Indonesian authorities are <br>still pursuing the culprits. <br>But a familiar pattern has emerged. Asia's most wanted men, the so- <br>called masters of disguise, Dr Azahari and Noordin Top have been <br>named as the masterminds. And once again everyone is insinuating <br>Jemaah Islamiah is behind the bombs. <br>That may eventually be proved correct, but so far no evidence has <br>been produced, at least publicly, to back that claim. As we've <br>shown tonight, after enduring years of state-sponsored terror, it's <br>no wonder many Indonesians question what they're being told about <br>this latest atrocity. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: You hear again the sources - the statements that <br>it was carried out by Azahari and Noordin Mohammed Top and a <br>radical Muslim groups behind it. Although what I heard is this <br>actually shows a rivalry, internal rivalry within the armed forces. <br><br>George Aditjondro didn't provide any evidence to back his <br>allegation, but theories like this are hard to write off just yet. <br>Former president Abdurrahman Wahid tried in vain to rein the <br>military and it cost him the presidency. In 2003 just after the <br>Marriott Hotel blast, he was clearly frustrated by foreign <br>intelligence claims that JI were to blame. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: They can say whatever they want but we are here, <br>we live here, we know them. But I won't say who. <br><br>REPORTER: But you know who it is, you think? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: No, no, I don't know. When I said that I meant <br>we cannot know - we cannot know the truth about that. That is the <br>problem always. <br><br>REPORTER: But that bomb has been blamed also on Jemaah Islamiah. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Yeah, I know but you don't have any kind of <br>proof. The proof is that the bomb is similar to that belong to the <br>police. It's a problem for us then. Every bomb there until now it <br>belongs to the government. <br><br>Today is the third anniversary of the first Bali attack that saw <br>202 people killed, including 88 Australians. Abdurrahman Wahid now <br>has questions about that attack as well. <br>While some regard him as an Eccentric, he is the former president <br>and is often described as the conscience of the nation, revered by <br>tens of millions of moderate Muslims. As such, he's one of only a <br>few people publicly prepared to canvass the unthinkable - that <br>Indonesian authorities may have had a hand in the Bali atrocity. <br>He believes that the plan for the second, massive at the Sari Club, <br>which caused the majority of casualties, was hatched way above the <br>head of uneducated villagers like Amrozi. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Amrozi was involved in the lighter bomb. That's <br>a problem always. Even though I agree that he should be given a <br>stiff punishment, but it doesn't mean that he is involved. No, no, <br>no. <br><br>REPORTER: So you believe that the Bali bombers had no idea that <br>there was a second bomb? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Yeah, precisely. <br><br>REPORTER: And who would you suggest planted the second bomb? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Well, it looks like the police. <br><br>REPORTER: The police? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Or the armed forces, I don't know. <br><br>Wahid's speculation is chilling and again there's no evidence to <br>support it. But there's no doubt that he's a barometer of how many <br>Indonesians view the whole terror campaign. <br><br>(7) BACK TO THE FUTURE: <br><br>This ceremony in July marked a significant moment in the evolution <br>of Indonesia's fight against terrorism. The nation's most senior <br>police watched as their chief, Dai Bachtiar, was replaced by <br>General Sutanto, touted as a cleanskin. <br>Following his swearing in, he made an impressive start - launching <br>a high profile anti-drug campaign and promising to crack down on <br>rampant corruption within the police force. But for now, he's <br>getting familiar with the rhetoric required for the job. <br><br>GENERAL SUTANTO (Translation): We are sharing experience with other <br>countries in order to eradicate the terrorism. <br><br>But it's not the experience sharing with other countries that <br>matters, like every police chief before him, he will only ever play <br>second fiddle to the army and will struggle to control the cabal of <br>rogue elements who still wield massive power here. <br>Abdurrahman Wahid says that no policeman would dare to properly <br>investigate repeated allegations that their big brothers in the <br>military are involved in the terror campaign. <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: They know it's against see, what they do - was <br>against you see, several, you know, senior officers, even of the <br>police itself. So they don't want to be involved. <br><br>REPORTER: Because? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Of the fear. <br><br>REPORTER: The fear of what? Of the senior officers that are <br>involved in this? <br><br>ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Yeah, yeah, yeah. <br><br>At the moment it's the police who are receiving all the equipment, <br>support and training to take on the terrorists. At the opening of <br>this multimillion dollar training facility, which is part funded by <br>Australia, the Indonesians were keen to show off their skills. The <br>war on terror has brought the two nations closer together, but any <br>Australian concerns about corruption and human rights in this new <br>partnership appear to have been put aside for now. <br>But the Indonesian police's leading role in the fight against <br>terror may be about to change anyway. In the wake of the latest <br>attack in Bali, President Yudhoyono has taken steps to rehabilitate <br>the military's tarnished name and bring them back into the counter <br>terror drive. <br>For those who risked their lives opposing Suharto's brutal <br>military, it's a disturbing thought. That the retired general, <br>President Yudhoyono, known in Indonesia by his initials Sbyeah, may <br>be ushering in a return to those bad old days. <br><br>GEORGE ADITJONDRO: Now, General SBY, himself, he doesn't like to be <br>called general SBY, he likes to be called Dr SBY has made the <br>statement that the military is ready to help, to assist the police <br>in chasing the terrorists. In other words, the military is looking <br>for an alibi for a reason to reconsolidate their power as during <br>the Suharto period. <br><br><br>-------------------------------- <br>Police 'had role in' Bali blasts <br><br>12oct05 <br><br>INDONESIAN police or military officers may have played a role in <br>the 2002 Bali bombing, the country's former president, Abdurrahman <br>Wahid has said. <br><br>In an interview with SBS's Dateline program to be aired tonight, on <br>the third anniversary of the bombing that killed 202 people, Mr <br>Wahid says he has grave concerns about links between Indonesian <br>authorities and terrorist groups. <br><br>While he believed terrorists were involved in planting one of the <br>Kuta night club bombs, the second, which destroyed Bali's Sari <br>Club, had been organised by authorities. <br><br>Asked who he thought planted the second bomb, Mr Wahid said: "Maybe <br>the police ... or the armed forces." <br><br>"The orders to do this or that came from within our armed forces, <br>not from the fundamentalist people," he says. <br><br>The program also claims a key figure behind the formation of terror <br>group Jemaah Islamiah was an Indonesian spy. <br><br>Former terrorist Umar Abduh, who is now a researcher and writer, <br>told Dateline Indonesian authorities had a hand in many terror <br>groups. <br><br>"There is not a single Islamic group either in the movement or the <br>political groups that is not controlled by (Indonesian) <br>intelligence," he said. <br><br>Abduh has written a book on Teungku Fauzi Hasbi, a key figure in <br>Jemaah Islamiah (JI) who had close contact with JI operations chief <br>Hambali and lived next door to Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir. <br><br>He says Hasbi was a secret agent for Indonesia's military <br>intelligence while at the same time a key player in creating JI. <br><br>Documents cited by SBS showed the Indonesian chief of military <br>intelligence in 1990 authorised Hasbi to undertake a "special job". <br><br>A 1995 internal memo from the military intelligence headquarters in <br>Jakarta included a request to use "Brother Fauzi Hasbi" to spy on <br>Acehnese separatists in Indonesia, Malaysia and Sweden. <br><br>And a 2002 document assigned Hasbi the job of special agent for <br>BIN, the Indonesian national intelligence agency. <br><br>Security analyst John Mempi told SBS that Hasbi, who was also known <br>as Abu Jihad, had played a key role in JI in its early years. <br><br>"The first Jemaah Islamiah congress in Bogor was facilitated by Abu <br>Jihad, after Abu Bakar Bashir returned from Malaysia," Mr Mempi <br>said. <br><br>"We can see that Abu Jihad played an important role. He was later <br>found to be an intelligence agent. So an intelligence agent has <br>been facilitating the radical Islamic movement." <br><br>Hasbi was disembowelled in a mysterious murder in 2003 after he was <br>exposed as a military agent and his son Lamkaruna Putra died in a <br>plane crash last month. <br><br>Another convicted terrorist, Timsar Zubil, who set off three bombs <br>in Sumatra in 1978, told the program intelligence agents had given <br>his group a provocative name – Komando Jihad – and encouraged <br>members to commit illegal acts. <br><br>"We may have deliberately been allowed to grow," he said. <br><br>Abduh also told the program his terrorist organisation, the Imron <br>Movement, was incited to a range of violent action in the 1980s <br>when the Indonesian military told the group that the assassination <br>of several Muslim clerics was imminent. <br><br>Another terrorism expert, George Aditjondro, said a bombing in May <br>this year that killed 23 people in the Christian village of <br>Tentena, in central Sulawesi, had been organised by senior military <br>and police officers. <br><br>"This is a strategy of depopulating an area and when an area has <br>been depopulated – both becoming refugees or becoming paramilitary <br>fighters – then that is the time when they can invest their money <br>in major resource exploitation there," he said. <br><br>----------------------------------------- <br><br><br>Protesters storm Kerobokan <br>By Cameron Stewart and Sian Powell <br>13-10-2005 <br>From: The Australian <br><br>Kerobokan prison riot / Reuters <br>Chaos ... a police officer is pushed in the melee / Reuters <br><br>CHAOTIC scenes marred yesterday's third anniversary of the Bali <br>bombings as a former Indonesian president suggested his country's <br>military or police may have been behind one of the 2002 bombings. <br>A violent mob of 2000 angry protesters stormed Bali's Kerobokan <br>jail, breaking down a wall outside the prison and demanding the <br>execution of three of the Bali bombers. <br><br>Chanting "Kill Amrozi, kill Amrozi", the crowd removed part of the <br>jail's main steel door before riot police stopped them from <br>entering the prison where some of the Bali bombers are held. <br><br>Australian's Schapelle Corby, model Michelle Leslie and the Bali <br>Nine are all being held in the same compound. <br><br>The violence co-incided with the claim by former Indonesian <br>president Abdurrahman Wahid that Indonesian police or military <br>officers may have played a role in the first Bali bombing. <br><br>Wahid told SBS's Dateline program that he had grave concerns about <br>links between Indonesian authorities and terrorist groups and <br>believed that authorities may have organised the larger of the two <br>2002 Bali bombings which hit the Sari Club, killing the bulk of the <br>202 people who died. <br><br>Officials and experts were quick to play down his claims which, if <br>true, would have grave diplomatic consequences for Australia's <br>relationship with its nearest neighbour. <br><br>Asked who he thought planted the second bomb, Mr Wahid said: "Maybe <br>the police ... or the armed forces." "The orders to do this or that <br>came from within our armed forces, not from the fundamentalist <br>people." <br><br>Speaking in Jakarta last night, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer <br>said "it's just rubbish". <br><br>Singapore-based terrorism analyst Rohan Gunaratna said the report <br>had "absolutely no credibility". "The Indonesian police have been <br>doing a great job of hunting down the terrorists." <br><br>He said Indonesia's political leaders were committed to combating <br>terrorism and there was "no evidence to suggest TNI (Indonesian <br>military) involvement, either". "I can't understand why a man of <br>his standing would be raising such issues," Mr Gunaratna said. <br><br>Greg Fealy, an Indonesian expert at the Australian National <br>University, said Mr Wahid's claim was a "bizarre suggestion". <br>"There is absolutely no evidence to suggest that the Indonesian <br>police are in cahoots with the terrorists." <br><br>Mr Wahid's claims will not help the investigation into last week's <br>Bali bombings, which left 23 people dead, including four <br>Australians. <br><br>The protesters who tried to storm Kerobokan jail yesterday were <br>seeking the three ringleaders of the 2002 bombings - Amrozi bin <br>Nurhasyin, his elder brother Mukhlas and Imam Samudra. But the <br>three were moved for security reasons to Batu prison on <br>Nusakambangan, an island south of Java before yesterday's third <br>anniversary of the attacks. <br><br>Dateline also reported claims that Indonesian intelligence had <br>close links with many local terrorist groups. "There is not a <br>single Islamic group either in the movement or the political groups <br>that is not controlled by (Indonesian) intelligence," said former <br>terrorist Umar Abduh, who is now a researcher and writer. <br><br>He has written a book on Teungku Fauzi Hasbi, a key figure in <br>Jemaah Islamiah, who had close contact with JI operations chief <br>Hambali and lived next to Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir. <br><br>He says Hasbi was a secret agent for Indonesia's military <br>intelligence while at the same time a key player in creating JI. <br><br>Documents cited by SBS showed the Indonesian chief of military <br>intelligence in 1990 authorised Hasbi to undertake a "special job". <br>And a 2002 document assigned Hasbi the job of special agent for <br>BIN, the Indonesian national intelligence agency. <br><br>Security analyst John Mempi told SBS that Hasbi, who was also known <br>as Abu Jihad, had played a key role in JI in its early years. <br><br>"The first Jemaah Islamiah congress in Bogor was facilitated by Abu <br>Jihad, after Abu Bakar Bashir returned from Malaysia," Mr Mempi <br>said. "We can see that Abu Jihad played an important role. He was <br>later found to be an intelligence agent. So an intelligence agent <br>has been facilitating the radical Islamic movement." <br><br>Meanwhile the investigation into the second Bali bombings appears <br>to have stalled. <br><br>Bali police chief Made Mangku Pastika yesterday denied the <br>detention of 45-year-old construction worker Hasan was significant <br>in the investigation into the triple suicide bombings, while senior <br>police refused to confirm speculation in the local press that a man <br>named Yanto was one of the three suicide bombers. <br><br>Additional reporting: Simon Kearney <br> <p></p><i></i>