A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Wed Mar 19, 2014 11:18 am

Strasserism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Strasserism (German: Strasserismus or Straßerismus) refers to the strand of Nazism that called for, and the neo-Nazism that currently calls for, a more radical, mass-action and worker-based form of National Socialism, hostile to Jews from an anti-capitalist basis, to achieve a national rebirth. It derives its name from Gregor and Otto Strasser, the two Nazi brothers initially associated with this position. Opposed on strategic views to Adolf Hitler, Otto Strasser was expelled from the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in 1930, while Gregor Strasser was killed during the 1934 Night of the Long Knives.

Strasser brothers

Gregor Strasser

Image Gregor Strasser (1892–1934) began his career in ultranationalist politics by joining Freikorps after serving in World War I. Involved in the Kapp Putsch he formed his own völkischer Wehrverband ("popular defense union") which he merged into the NSDAP in 1921. Initially a loyal supporter of Adolf Hitler, he took part in the Beer Hall Putsch and held a number of high positions in the Nazi Party. Soon however, Strasser became a strong advocate of the socialist wing of the party, arguing that the national revolution should also include strong action to tackle poverty and should seek to build working class support. After Hitler's rise to power, Ernst Röhm, who headed the SA, then the most important paramilitary wing of the Nazi party, called for a "second revolution," aimed at removing the elites from control. This was opposed by the conservative movement, as well as by some Nazis who preferred an ordered authoritarian regime to the radical and disruptive program proposed by the Party's left wing.

Otto Strasser

Otto Strasser (1897–1974) had also been a member of the Freikorps, but joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and fought against the Kapp putsch. However he joined the Nazi Party in 1925, but nonetheless retained his ideas about the importance of socialism. Considered more of a radical than his brother, Otto Strasser was expelled by the Nazi Party in 1930 and set up his own dissident group, the Black Front, which called for a specifically German nationalist form of socialist revolution. He fled Germany in 1933 to live in Czechoslovakia and Canada before returning to West Germany in later life, all the while writing prolifically about Hitler and what he saw as his betrayal of national socialist ideals.

Strasserism

The name Strasserism came to be applied to this form of Nazism that developed around the brothers. Although they had been involved in the creation of the National Socialist Program of 1920, both called on the party to commit to 'breaking the shackles of finance capital'.[1] This opposition to "Jewish finance capitalism," which they contrasted to "productive capitalism," was shared by Adolf Hitler himself, who borrowed it from Gottfried Feder.[2]

This populist and antisemitic form of anti-capitalism was further developed in 1925 when Otto Strasser published the Nationalsozialistische Briefe, which discussed notions of class conflict, wealth redistribution and a possible alliance with the Soviet Union. His 1930 follow-up Ministersessel oder Revolution ('Cabinet Seat or Revolution') went further by attacking Hitler's betrayal of the socialist aspect of Nazism, as well as criticizing the notion of Führerprinzip.[3] Whilst Gregor Strasser echoed many of the calls of his brother, his influence on the ideology is less, due to his remaining in the Nazi Party longer and to his early death. Otto, meanwhile, continued to expand his argument, calling for the break-up of large estates and the development of something akin to a guild system and the related establishment of a Reich cooperative chamber to take a leading role in economic planning.[4] Strasserism, therefore, became a distinct strand of Nazism that, whilst holding on to previous Nazi ideals such as ultranationalism and anti-Semitism, added a strong critique of capitalism and framed this in the demand for a more "socialist-based" approach to economics.

It is disputed, however, whether Strasserism effectively represented a distinct form of Nazism. According to historian Ian Kershaw, "the leaders of the SA [which included Gregor Strasser] did not have another vision of the future of Germany or another politic to propose." But they advocated the radicalization of the Nazi regime, and the toppling of the German elites, calling Hitler's rise to power a "half-revolution," which needed to be completed.[5]

Influence

During the 1970s the ideas of Strasserism began to be referred to more strongly in European far-right groups as younger members with no concrete ties to Hitler and a stronger sense of anti-capitalism came to the fore.

Strasserism in Germany

Strasserite thought in Germany began to emerge as a tendency within the National Democratic Party (NPD) during the late 1960s. These Strasserites played a leading role in securing the removal of Adolf von Thadden from the leadership and following his departure the party became stronger in condemning Hitler for what it saw as his move away from socialism in order to court business and army leaders.[6]

Although initially adopted by the NPD, Strasserism soon became associated with more peripheral extremist figures, notably Michael Kühnen who produced a 1982 pamphlet Farewell to Hitler, which included a strong endorsement of the idea. The People's Socialist Movement of Germany/Labour Party, a minor extremist movement that was outlawed in 1982 adopted the policy, while its successor movement, the Nationalist Front, did likewise, with its ten point programme calling for an 'anti-materialist cultural revolution' and an 'anti-capitalist social revolution' to underline its support for the idea.[7] The Free German Workers' Party also moved towards these ideas under the leadership of Friedhelm Busse in the late 1980s.[8]

Strasserism in the UK

Strasserism emerged in the United Kingdom in the early 1970s and centred around the National Front publication Britain First, the main writers of which were David McCalden, Richard Lawson and Denis Pirie. Opposing the leadership of John Tyndall, they formed an alliance with John Kingsley Read and ultimately followed him into the National Party.[9] The NP called for British workers to "seize the right to work" and offered a fairly Strasserite economic policy.[10] Nonetheless, the NP failed to last for very long. Due in part to Read's lack of enthusiasm for Strasserism, the main exponents of the idea drifted away.

The idea was reintroduced to the NF by Andrew Brons in the early 1980s when he decided to make the party's ideology clearer.[11] However Strasserism was soon to become the province of the radicals in the Official National Front, with Richard Lawson brought in a behind the scenes role to help direct policy.[12] Ultimately this Political Soldier wing opted for the indigenous alternative of distributism, but nonetheless their strong anti-capitalist rhetoric, as well as that of their International Third Position successor, demonstrated influences of Strasserism. From this background Troy Southgate emerged, whose own ideology and those of related groups such as the English Nationalist Movement and National Revolutionary Faction were influenced by Strasserism.

In December 2010, a new 200-page biography by Troy Southgate appeared, entitled 'Otto Strasser: The Life and Times of a German Socialist' (Black Front Press).

Strasserism elsewhere

Third Position groups, whose inspiration is generally more Italian in derivation, have often looked to Strasserism due to their strong opposition to capitalism. This was noted strongly in France where the student group Groupe Union Défense and the more recent Renouveau français both extolled Strasserite economic platforms.[13]

Attempts to reinterpret Nazism as having a left-wing base have also been heavily influenced by this school of thought, notably through the work of Povl Riis-Knudsen, who produced the Strasser-influenced work National Socialism: A Left-Wing Movement in 1984.

The Strasser brothers and Strasserite thought in general has been claimed as belonging to National Bolshevism, which has been influential in Russia and to a lesser extent Germany.

In Greece, a group called Black Lily (Μαύρος Κρίνος, Mavros Krinos) is influenced by Strasserism.

In the United States, Tom Metzger also flirted with Strasserism, having been influenced by Kühnen's pamphlet.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby jakell » Sat Mar 22, 2014 10:08 am

1.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&p=534778#p534778
2.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=465#p535229
3.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=480#p535369
4.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=495#p535502
5.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=510#p535750
6.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&p=535833#p535833
7.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=660#p536983
8.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=675#p537139
9.) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&p=537395#p537395
10) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=690#p537862
11) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&p=538323#p538104
12) http://rigorousintuition.ca/board2/viewtopic.php?f=8&t=22490&start=705#p538427

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13)...

Here's the final part of the series I've been doing in this thread. As before I will stick to what I know, the UK situation

I have talked about the subject of British Nationalism, something that, in common with other European Nationalisms, has a degree of incompatability with any global or even pan-European endeavours. For a while, it was definitely something that could have could be used as a foil against the other, but that moment has now passed IMO, there are lessons to be learned from this though, and that is that, in actively combating something, it is not necessary to go to the opposite extremes, in fact it is probably more useful to find things that have similarities.
British nationalism has more or less died with the BNP, and while this party is still gamely struggling on, I would think that it is not long for this world. Now the field is open for white nationalism to take up the slack.

There is still scope for someone to exploit tensions within white nationalism. The contradictions and weaknesses are still there and I've described some of these in detail. From my own perspective in the UK, they seem to have moved their main conversations away from open internet forums and their current strengths and levels of organisation can only be guessed at, unfortunately leaving room for inaccurate speculation. Extrapolating from when they were still fairly open on the BDF, I would say they are still struggling to find a useful centre, and are still relying on societal collapse to provide them with opportunities. As this is a likelihood in the next few decades, this one strategy may pay off for them, even if everything else fails.

One thing I've stressed repeatedly here is not to imagine a monolithic WN culture across different countries and continents. Even though they wish for and project this, not many of their 'intelligencia' see it as a practical avenue in the short to medium term, therefore, anyone who wishes to oppose them would be wise not to buy into this belief. It would be really nice to hear from someone who can report objectively about how this scene plays out in their part of the world (the Vermont thread is a good example), as for me, I'm pretty much done with the endeavour for now. When the BNP finally closes it doors I may find a bit to say, but I can't imagine that there will be much more to add.
" Orwell feared those who would deprive us of information. Huxley feared those who would give us so much that we would be reduced to passivity and egoism"
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Mon Mar 24, 2014 10:57 pm

An international consortium of repressive state elements sponsoring a network of neo-fascist agents provocateurs posing as anarchists and Maoists?

Sure- Why not?


Christie File. Part 3, 1967-1975
Stuart Christie - 2004
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Tue Mar 25, 2014 10:45 pm

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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Mar 27, 2014 8:10 am

http://www.whomakesthenazis.com/2011/09 ... metal.html

National Socialist Black Metal

Guest Post by Llanfaes

“A Scandinavian, for instance, has no good reasons to emotionally react negatively to "Nazism"… German 'Nazis' behaved exemplary in Denmark and Norway during WWII… In Norway only about 0.03% of the population was killed (and the vast majority was actually killed by the Allies).”
Varg Vikernes, The Nazi Ghost, July 2005.

ImageIf National Socialist Black Metal (NSBM) has a poster boy then Varg 'Count Grishnackh' Vikernes is it. His conviction for the 1993 murder of his Mayhem bandmate, Øystein Aarseth also known as Euronymous, catapulted what had been a small, mainly Norwegian scene into the global spotlight and with that attention came the trappings of success, including an admittedly short-lived deal with the then distribution arm of Rough Trade Records, RTM. I'll not discuss the murder further here, it has been well documented elsewhere, not least by Vikernes himself and a Google search will find hours of reading for those who are interested. As well as murder, Vikernes, who at the time claimed to be a Satanist but has since embraced the Norse Gods and Nazi Paganism, was found guilty of four counts of arson on 12th Century stave churches and admitted to conspiring to blow up the Blitz House, a socialist/anarchist squat in Oslo that was also home to the Norwegian Anti Fascist Action network.

Despite the severity of his crimes and 21 year sentence, he was transferred to the low security Berg prison in Tonsberg after serving less than half his time to prepare for release. However, in October 2003 he failed to return from a 17 hour home leave. He was recaptured just a less than a day later in a stolen car with a Heckler & Koch AG3 assault rifle, a handgun, a selection of knives, a gas mask, camouflage clothing, a laptop, a compass, a global positioning system, maps and a fake passport. When questioned he said he had been planning to go to Sweden but then changed his mind. After talking to his mother, he felt that trying to cross the border wouldn't work.

For this escape attempt, which included hijacking the car from a family at gunpoint, only 13 months were added to his sentence. Vikernes was released in March 2009, his musical career uninterrupted by his sentence as he was given access to instruments and studio equipment whilst in jail. During this time his one man band Burzum arguably did more to spread the NSBM word than any other artist. Although lyrically not outwardly fascist, the Burzum website leaves no doubt about his ideology. Vikernes calls his philosophy Odalism (a Germanic word used pretty much exclusively by Germanic nationalists) which he describes as a combination of the proto-Germanic ôþalan, 'heritage', and Old Norse óðal, meaning 'homeland' and 'distinguished family'. It is however primarily Teutonic Völkisch Nationalism based on ancestor worship, Paganism and rejection of outside cultures. Its symbol is the Odal rune.


ImageThe Odal rune was insignia of the ethnic German (Volksdeutsche) Yugoslavian SS-regiment (7.SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgs-Division 'Prinz Eugen') operating in the Nazi sponsored State of Croatia. Today the Odal rune is still widely used by right-wing nationalist youth groups such as Wiking Jugend. It was banned in Germany in 1994. Odal was also the name of a magazine that printed articles by the Nazi ideologist Richard Walther Darré.

There's no denying that Burzum and NSBM in general are a Rock ‘n’ Roll success story. A Burzum CD can be expected to sell well in excess of 15,000 copies with estimates of up 100,000 for the popular Belus album. In 2009 Emperor stated they had sold 500,000 units in total worldwide. This in a genre where online trading between fans is the norm.

Emperor’s Tomas “Samoth” Haugen was sentenced in 1994 to 16 months for burning Skjold Church in Vindafjord, together with Vikernes, whilst drummer Bård 'Faust Eithun was convicted of the homophobic murder of Magne Andreassen the same year as well as the burning of Holmenkollen Church in Oslo with Vikernes and Euronymous in 1992.

1992 was a busy year for Vikernes, during which he also founded the Cymophane label, based in his hometown of Bergen, Norway, to release his Burzum output. However, in July 2000, the Chicago-based Center For New Community discovered that William Luther Pierce, founder and leader of the white nationalist National Alliance (NA) and owner of Resistance Records, had gained control of Cymophane.

Pierce, who died in 2002, is probably best known as the author of The Turner Diaries, the futuristic race-war fantasy novel that inspired Timothy McVeigh to detonate a truck full of explosives in front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995, killing 167 people. The main purpose of the NA’s takeover of Cymophane was to gain the rights to distribute Burzum albums in the USA, but this was just an in-road. The NA also set up Unholy Records as a subsidiary of Resistance to distribute the 2002 compilation album, Visions – A Tribute to Burzum and other international NSBM acts. 


Unholy is managed by Ymir G Winter, guitarist in Grom, a New York-based NSBM band. Winter told the US Heavy Metal magazine Decibel in 2007 that his father openly advocated fascism and that his maternal grandfather fought for Germany in the Second World War. Of Greek/Slavonic & Polish descent, Grom named themselves after the two Grom class destroyers, built in the UK for the Polish Navy, some of the most heavily-armed destroyers on the seas before World War II. A slightly odd choice of name for an NSBM band, maybe, but they are very vocal with their opinions. “During many of our shows, we will spit fire and then set an Israeli flag ablaze,” Winter says, “When regulations don’t allow this, we have the crowd stomp the Israeli flag and spit on it.” Winter, a proud NA member (you hear this a great deal), is head of A&R for Resistance Records and writes for the label’s magazine. “Resistance wants to promote Aryan awareness and does so by using music as a recruitment tool and as a vessel for the National Socialist/White Power movement,” he has said.

Grom, the Polish NSBM band Graveland and the rather odd Australian Nazi Black Metal group Spear of Longinus (“The Yoga Of National Socialism”) also released music on the now defunct New York based Vinland Winds Records, an NSBM label set up by the late Rich Mills. Like many NSBM acolytes, Mills could not praise Varg Vikernes enough, “Burzum is the only Norwegian band that remains unapologetic and literally convicted of his beliefs.” Mills always openly admitted he had been affiliated with the National Alliance. Under the name Grimnir Heretik, he was the vocalist for Grand Belial’s Key, another NSBM band. GBK’s album, Kosherat, closes with two covers of songs by white power punks Chaos 88 (one of which, 'Holy Shit', contains the line, “I wanna beat you like the Jew that you are”).

Vikernes was not the only nor the first NSBM murderer that William Luther Pierce actively sought out. Another leading figure in the NSBM scene was arrested whilst on an extended NA sponsored tour of the US through 1999-2000. Hendrik Möbus (aka Jarl Flagg Nidhoegg), a neo-Nazi killer wanted in Germany was tracked across the country by US Marshals for eight weeks prior to his arrest on 29 August 2000. The Marshals followed Möbus as he left the National Alliance compound, eventually detaining him outside a family restaurant in Lewisburg, West Virginia. Möbus had fled Germany to avoid serving a five-year prison term and had begun his American racist underground tour nine months earlier, travelling 4,000 km across the country before he was finally arrested.

Möbus’s Nazi career began at school in Erfurt, east Germany, when aged 16 he formed a death metal band called Absurd with a couple of classmates. On 29 April 1993, he and his bandmates murdered Sandro Beyer, a classmate, who they considered a 'Volksschadling', or race defiler. In January 1994 the three were found guilty of murder and as a minor, Möbus received an eight year sentence. During the summer of 1995, whilst the band members were serving their time, Rob Darken of Graveland released Absurd’s demo tape Thuringian Pagan Madness, which helped propel the group to fame within the NSBM scene. Möbus was released on parole in August 1998 and issued a statement justifying Beyer’s murder, saying he died because he did not “fit the picture” of the German race. By that October Möbus had been arrested once again and charged with displaying Nazi symbols.

His strenghtened bonds with the international NSBM network helped Möbus become head of the German branch of the Pagan Front, an international coalition of organisations, record labels, bands, fanzines and individuals dedicated to promoting the NSBM underground. Allegedly founded by Varg Vikernes, though he denies this, the Pagan Front describes itself as “a neo-Pagan and racially aware movement, which struggles to secure the Aryan peoples existence”. The Pagan Front claims chapters in Romania, Poland, France, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, the USA, Canada, Flanders, Finland, Australia and Russia. Whether or not he admits membership, the Front publishes books by Vikernes and actively promotes Burzum releases.

Möbus went on to found Darker than Black (DTB) Records, which quickly became one of the leading National Socialist Black Metal labels. He also befriended neo-Saxon boneheads the Hammerskins, which enabled DTB to agree a distribution deal with Germany’s Hate Records, one of the biggest distributors of white power music in Europe. In July 1999 Möbus was sentenced to eight months in prison for displaying Nazi symbols and Hate Records purchased DTB which he continued to run behind the scenes. On 6 October 1999, the German authorities raided DTB Records’ offices and Möbus was charged with the distribution of Nazi propaganda. Faced with a possible five years in prison, he chose to go on the lam.

Despite an international arrest warrant, Möbus was able to fly into the Seattle-Tacoma International Airport using his real name in December 1999. He then travelled around the country through a kind of National Alliance ratline, before ending up at the NA headquarters, an impressive cross-country trek that highlights the increasingly international nature of the NSBM underground, the growth of the network in the US, and the inroads William Luther Pierce and the National Alliance made as he used his time with Möbus to secure entry into the Black Metal scene in the US and Europe.

As Pierce explained, “I invited him to stay as my guest and help me establish new outlets in Europe for my records. And that’s what he did for ten weeks. He stayed as my guest, and we talked about the role of music in our overall effort.” This led to the National Alliance acquiring Cymophane, in return for which Pierce helped Möbus with his legal problems filing paperwork with the US Immigration and Naturalization Services requesting political asylum.

Resistance Records found it easier to distribute their Burzum tribute 2CD and other NSBM releases in the UK than in the US. At the time HMV, Amazon UK and Play.com were among those documented as selling their product. However, it should be noted now that HMV have ceased any connections (though they do stock the entire Burzum back catalogue) and NSBM only appears to be available on Play.com through independent marketplace sellers. HMV, Amazon and Play.com have also carried a large amount of stock from Supernal Music, a label that is the largest online distributor of what it terms “extreme black metal”.

Supernal bands such as Drudkh, Astrofaes, Hate Forest and Dark Ages, all Ukrainian, are these days considered fairly mainstream within NSBM. Their CDs are widely available mainly because they are not blatant about their far right racism and anti-semitism but like Burzum, mask them in a pseudo-intellectual, semi-romantic ancestor worshipping nationalism. Fellow countrymen Nokturnal Mortum’s 'The Call of Aryan Spirit', a bizarre, almost Spinal Tap-esque mix of Black Metal and Pagan Folk suffers no such shyness.

Based in Cranleigh, Surrey UK, Supernal has been run by Alex Kurtagic since 1996 and it was through him that NSBM came to Rough Trade (RTM) that year. The RTM deal gave access to The Cartel, a group of independent record shops throughout the UK and the RTM/Disc distribution network, though by no means did all those stores stock the fledgling Supernal’s product. The deal lasted until Vital (now PIAS UK) bought out RTM in 1997, but sometime before then the sales team had realised what they were being asked to sell and refused to have anything more to do with many of the darker releases. This unfortunately did not stop the occasional appearance of NSBM demo tapes at the Rough Trade’s Camden offices, one of which came clamped in the teeth of a decomposing sheep’s head.

Kurtagic also records as Benighted Leams, whose fourth album Obombrid Welkins (2007) was heavily influenced by the writing of William Luther Pierce and Kevin MacDonald. His monthly email bulletin regularly featured pictures of Nazi mystics and advocates of esoteric Hitlerism including Savitri Devi, Miguel Serrano, the anti-semitic writer Ernst Junger and Julius Langbehn, a 19th century anti-semite. In June 2010 Kurtagic penned the revisionist article Black Metal Ethno-nationalism for the American Renaissance periodical that stated Möbus was persecuted and imprisoned by the German authorities for loyalty to his beliefs and Vikernes received his 21 year sentence for one case of church arson.

Supernal’s catalogue similarly makes no bones of its allegiances. US group Sturmführer’s Ich kämpfe (I fight) CD boasts Hitler as the cover star and contains the track 'Treu Martyr' featuring a speech by Robert Mathews, leader of the NA affiliated US Nazi terror cell The Order, who is portrayed as a martyred hero. A typical Sturmfuhrer quote reads “Germany was defending itself from the plague of world usury/Jewry and was unfortunately beaten with the help of world Jewry, between Amerika, CCCP and Britain, 'OUR' kind was seduced into believing Hitler was a madman. The sad thing is that most of 'US' didn't even realize that 'WE' were fighting 'OUR' own people.”

Another Supernal distributed CD is the Capricornus/Der Sturmer split album (for some reason split albums are big in NSBM) entitled Polish Hellenic Alliance Against ZOG with a Nuremburg rally style cover. Der Sturmer (The Attacker) hail from Athens and take their name from a weekly Nazi tabloid newspaper published by Julius Streicher from 1923 to the end of the war in 1945. They are closely linked to the Greek arm of the Nazi skinhead organisation Blood and Honour and Nazi occultist street gang the Golden Dawn who have been making their prescence felt once again in the poorer areas of Athens these past few months.

Included on the album is “The Nailbomber”, a tribute to David Copeland, London Nazi bomber and former member of both the BNP & David Myatt’s NSM. The Nailbomber features excerpts from police interviews with Copeland. The Polish Capricornus tread a little more carefully but 'Sun Wheel on the Helmet of Steel' gives you a fair idea of their leanings. Der Sturmer also contributed to a compilation CD on the Club 88 imprint that raised funds for German Nazi war criminal Erich Priebke, a former Hauptsturmführer in the Waffen SS, convicted in 1996 for his part in the massacre of 335 Italian civilians at the Ardeatine caves in Rome in 1944. Further contributions came from German NSBM groups Lunikoff, Halgadom and Words Of Anger.

Other bands promoted by Supernal include Kiborg and Temnozor from Russia, both of which have intimate ties with Russian Blood and Honour and the US based Xenophobia, writers of 'Anti Semite Eternal', whose singer, the self-styled Reverend Brian Moudry, aka Warhead Jewgrinder is a member of both the white supremacist Creativity Movement, formerly the World Church of the Creator and the Pagan Front as well as being publisher of Hatemonger Warzine, a radical NSBM fanzine. Moudry is a man who once threatened to bomb his black postman because he wasn’t receiving enough mail and was recently arrested for chasing a child cyclist away from his house with a gun. Another contributor to Hatemonger is Wisconsin based Jamie Welch “a proud supporter of the Pagan Front” who runs the NSBM label Terrorwolfe to which Xenophobia are signed and who himself records 'Aryan Melancholic Black Metal' as Veil for the Russian Stellar Winter imprint.

Most of the bands are still active and Mayhem, Vikernes’ original group still perform, recently revealing that they smuggled in real human remains to use as part of their stage show at Hellfest 2011 in Clisson, France.

Absurd, minus Hendrik Möbus but with his brother Ronald having taken over vocal duties are now considered one of the top NSBM groups worldwide. A recent Absurd gig in the Czech Republic featured appearances from Temnozor, the Ukrainian band Kroda and Czech NSBMers Sekhmet.

UK Black Metal band Meads Of Asphodel (latest release 'The Murder of Jesus the Jew'), whilst publicly denying neo-Nazi affiliations then go on to print an announcement in defence of NSBM on their label Godreah Records website. Hertfordshire UK based Godreah also distribute the work of Norwegian Nazi Satanists Absurd, Burzum, Der Sturmer, Spear Of Longinus, Kiborg, the Belarus-based PD SS Totenkopf and Brazilian NSBM group Evil amongst many others.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Mar 27, 2014 4:50 pm

Image
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Tue Apr 01, 2014 11:49 pm

http://irishredstar.wordpress.com/2013/ ... 1945-2012/

Undertones, Anti-Fascism And The Far-Right In Ireland 1945-2012

Image

If one were to believe conventional histories and the media, we would be forgiven for thinking that Fascism in Ireland ended with O’Duffy’s Blueshirts with a few recent flare-ups like the self-styled ‘Celtic Wolves’ who were disrupted in their camping endeavours by a few country Gardai. Bernardo O’Reilly’s Undertones makes a nonsense of that myth and does an excellent job of informing us of the plethora of homegrown Fascist and racist groups that have reared their ugly heads in Ireland since the end of the Second World War to the present (and thankfully have almost unanimously had those ugly heads kicked in by anti-fascists!)

O’Brien, a member of Anti-Fascist Action (AFA) Ireland and other contributors have done considerable research into Ireland’s murky fascist underground, many of which have used the cloak of Irish Nationalism to conceal their true fascist and racist ideology. They correctly describe how Ireland was seen as a safe haven for many wanted SS officers in the post war flux, many of their escapes facilitated by the Catholic Church and on at least one occasion by the Quakers! Mosley, of the British Union of Fascists sought refuge in Ireland during the post-war era, buying several grand properties, some of which had an ‘unfortunate’ susceptibility to fire damage:

“Understandably , his presence in Ireland did not please everyone and in December 1953, IRA members , in an unsanctioned operation , burnt down his house in Count Galway. Mosley lost his papers, many BUF and UM internal documents and three family portraits in the fire that left Clonfert Palace as an uninhabitable shell….Up to now, the fire was described in Mosley’s biographies, as an accident“

Undertones
does an admirable job in chronicling the numerous Fascist groups in Ireland since 1945, some were overtly neo-Nazi such as the National Movement while others using the cloak of ‘anti-abortionists’ and Irish culture, were more insidious. Thankfully, none of these far right groups ever gained the foothold of respectability, although this can be explained by the 26 county parties playing their own ‘race card’ when it was politically expedient to do so. There is also the argument that bears some validity that the disaffected working class youth of Ireland, who in other countries would be targeted by Fascists groups are much more likely to be become involved in the various Republican groups and movements who traditionally would be militantly opposed to the far right.

It is heart warming to hear of the many more contemporary confrontations with these neo-Nazi cabals, where invariably the extreme right wing groups, often modelling themselves as Teutonic warrior types, quickly turned into instant pacifists when coming face to face against experienced AFA stewards. Undertones makes the highly valid point that only anti-fascists with strong ties to working class communities can effectively counter Fascism/Racism when it attempts to flex it’s so far usually puny muscles.

The fact that there has never been a mass fascist movement in Ireland since the days of the Blueshirts, is not an excuse for complacency, especially in the current economic climate and anti-immigrant diatribe being encouraged in the media. The following quotes from Germany’s Nazi leaders should be taken as a watchword by anti-Fascists everywhere:

“Only one thing could have broken our movement – if our enemies had understood its principle and from the first day had smashed the nucleus of our movement with extreme brutality.”

(Adolf Hitler, 1933)

“If the enemy had known how weak we were, it would probably have reduced us to jelly. It would have crushed in blood the very beginning of our work.”

(J Goebbels, 1934)

Undertones: Anti-Fascism and The Far-Right In Ireland 1945-2012 is available at a price of 6 Euros and makes invaluable reading for those concerned with the history of Fascism in Ireland and it’s present day manifestations. More importantly, it gives the reader sound examples of how these Nazi deviants are best dealt with.

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Links: Anti-Fascist Ireland Website

Anti-Fascist Ireland Facebook


Alex Mcguigan
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 04, 2014 7:40 am

http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?p=35983

antifa notes (april 4, 2014)

Posted on April 4, 2014 by @ndy

Australian Defence League

Media report that last night the Sydney home of Nathan Abela, the “leader” of a branch of the anti-Muslim ‘Australian Defence League’, was shot at. Police have yet to apprehend those responsible, and precise details surrounding the incident remain a little murky at this stage, with Abela supposedly having a “string of detractors”. Previously, Abela gained some small degree of notoriety by being denounced by 2GB shock jock Ray Hadley as a “cowardly bastard”.

Abela is the latest in a long line of self-proclaimed leaders of the ADL, a group whose organisational structure is unwieldy at best and exists largely as an ad hoc online formation of anti-Muslim bigots. Further, unlike in England — the birthplace of the ‘English Defence League’, which organisation provided the inspiration for the ADL — excursions on to the streets by its supporters have to this date been sporadic and poorly-attended. (Indeed, their street presence would seem to exist in inverse proportion to the amount of demented vitriol its supporters pour out online, principally by way of several dozen Facebook pages.) Most recently, the ADL declared that it would be rallying in Bendigo on Saturday, March 22 against the construction of a local mosque. To the best of my knowledge, but not for the first time, the rally appears to have been a non-event.

Australia First Party

The ‘Australia First Party’ (AF) has been carrying on like a headless chook these last few weeks, posting a series of increasingly bizarre posts about anarchists, real and alleged, and their fiendish plots to destroy #Straya. These diatribes appear to have been sparked by an earlier incident in February when the party’s headquarters in Tempe was vandalised (below). For unknown reasons, one of these posts on the party’s website (australiafirstparty.net), titled ‘Victorian Police investigate Melbourne Anarchists’, has subsequently been removed.

Finally, Honi Soit recently published an article about the White supremacist website Stxrmfrxnt (AF fuehrer Dr Jim Saleam posts on the site as ‘radnat’), while tomorrow The Saturday Paper carries an article about anti-/fascism Down Under.

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American Dream » Tue Feb 04, 2014 8:01 am wrote:http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?p=35536

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...Finally, four men were found guilty last week in a Perth court for distributing racist stickers promoting Combat 18 — stickers also being distributed by boneheads in Melbourne’s northern suburbs. One of the men convicted, Jacob Marshall Hort, was previously responsible for administering a Combat 18 website (txrrormxchinx.net) and played in the band ‘Indigenous Hate’. In July 2010, Hort was convicted of criminal damage and discharging a firearm stemming from an incident in which several shots were fired at the Queens Park Suleymaniye Mosque, causing $15,000 damage.

Note that Hort & Co have been denounced by ‘Blood & Honour Australia’ (that faction aligned with the Hammerskins) as liars and traitors; his (former?) C18 comrade, Bradley Trappitt, has since been welcomed into the New Right/’national anarchist’ camp by its leader Welf Herfurth. What this means for relations between B&H/C18, B&H/SCHS, the New Right and Volksfront is unclear at this stage.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Fri Apr 04, 2014 11:18 am

“… Romanian fascist ideology is, in many ways, similar to Western European fascism. … The [fundamentalist Christian] religious element of Romanian fascism was utilized by the Iron Guard to gain the support of the rural population of Romania where religious beliefs were the strongest. The Iron Guard used religious themes for most of their propaganda. …”


“God is a Fascist!”: The Ideology of Romanian Fascism

By Corinne Quinones / Claremont McKenna College

Economic, Socio-Political, and Intellectual Roots

Like most European fascist movements, Romanian fascism emerged out of the political, economic, and ideological crisises that followed World War I. However, the development of Romanian fascism is distinct from the development of fascism in Western Europe because of the unique political history of the Romanian state. Although Romania was granted independence in 1877, attempts to denationalize and politically and economically dominate Romania by the Turks, the Greeks, the Russians, and Western Europe contributed to the formation of a fascist ideology that was uniquely Romanian.

Economic Crisis

The economic crisises that followed World War I had a significant impact on the development of Romanian fascist ideology. The gradual transition of the Romanian economy during the 19th and 20th centuries from an agricultural base to a more capitalist structure resulted in high unemployment and the worsening of conditions for the peasantry, the working class, and the petty bourgeoisie. For example, illiteracy and infant mortality for the rural population of Romanian was among the highest in Europe. The centralization of capital in the hands of a few resulted in sharply defined social differentiation between the urban and rural populations. For example, the Romanian countryside, which contained a large proportion of the population, consumed only ten percent of all industrial products between 1936 and 1937, while the urban population consumed ninety percent. These economic conditions contributed to political unrest and dissatisfaction among the petty bourgeoisie (the main political base of the Iron Guard) and among conservative intellectuals, who questioned the efficacy of the capitalist model for Romania. The significant amount of foreign investment by Western European nations, particularly France and Britain, in Romania (foreign investment represented over thirty percent of the Romanian economy) and the tendency of Romanian economics and politics to be governed by foreign investment concerns contributed to a sense of hyper-nationalism and xenophobia in Romania. In addition, the failures of capitalist model were linked to Romanian Jews. The petty bourgeoisie, who were hit hard by the economic difficulties of the interwar period, blamed their predicament on the “capitalist” Jews and nurtured the virulent anti-Semitism that was to later characterize Romanian fascism.

The Crisis of Liberalism: “Government By Rotation”

The ineffective political organization of the Romanian state during the interwar period contributed to the development of fascism in Romania. The failure of Romanian parliamentary democracy was the result of inefficient and ineffective political institutions and fluctuating electoral laws. Romania’s poorly structured electoral system and the habitual crushing of oppositional forces by violent and illegal means promoted a “government by rotation,” in which no one party ever maintained an extended or strong hold in government. Consequently, Romania never fully experienced authentic parliamentary democracy despite the liberal democratic structure of its political system. The crisis of liberalism in Romanian politics contributed to the development of fascist and dictatorial tendencies. Foreign intervention in Romanian politics by the Western powers further cultivated hyper-nationalism and xenophobia. In particular, the intervention of Britain, Germany, and France in 1878 in order to enforce the abolition of religious discrimination against Romanian Jews linked the sentiments of nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism in Romania.

Romanian Conservative Thought: Eminescu and Cuza

The intellectual roots of Romanian fascist ideology can be traced back to late 19th and early 20th century conservative thinkers such as Mihai Eminescu and A.C. Cuza. Romanian conservative thought developed out of the social, political, and economic tensions in the 19th century. The failures of capitalism and liberal democracy in Romanian contributed to the development of proto fascist ideas that greatly influenced Romanian fascist ideology. The writings of the 19th century Romanian poet Eminescu inspired the development of Romanian fascist hyper-nationalism. Eminescu protested that 19th century Romania was governed by “French institutions, Jewish business, [and] Austrian industry.” Eminescu expressed the socio-economic frustrations of the petty bourgeoisie by blaming the Romanian Jewish population for the problems of the Romanian nation. Eminescu asserted the classic fascist “Third Way” reasoning that rejected socialism as a “plaything made of foreign abstraction” and liberalism that had “transformed Romania into a quagmire into which the social sewage of the West and East is discharged.” Eminescu expressed a nostalgic longing for the days of Romanian feudalism which, according to him, was a system of “the greatest freedom, of decentralization, of communal autonomy, of the independence of classes. Men were not equal and for that very reason they were free.” In the 20th century, the ideas of A.C. Cuza, the intellectual vanguard of the Iron Guard, represented the conservatism that arose from the social tensions of the interwar period. Cuza’s ideas inspired much of the anti-communism and anti-Semitism that was an integral part of Romanian fascist ideology. Cuza divided Romanian society into three classes, the rural class, the middle class, and the ruling class. He argued that this hierarchical system unified the nation, “the classes are stages in the development of the same nation . . . consequently, there could never be enmity between the classes.” His critique of communism was based on the idea that “when class struggle enters into a society, it is a dangerous disease which leads the nation toward destruction.” Cuza was also the intellectual architect of modern Romanian anti-Semitism. Cuza’s anti-Semitism was based on the racist theories of Chamberlain and Drumont. To Cuza, Jews were a “foreign body” and the main source of Romania’s socio-economic difficulties.

Characteristics of Romanian Fascist Ideology

Romanian fascist ideology is, in many ways, similar to Western European fascism. The essential components of fascist ideology – anti-communism, anti-Semitism, nationalism, mysticism, etc. – are all present in the ideology of the Iron Guard. However, there are many ways in which Romanian fascism is distinct, even unique, from fascist ideology in Europe. Romanian political history and the influence of Orthodox Christianity make Romanian fascist ideology relatively unusual. Here are several of the important and unique characteristics of Romanian fascism.

Anti-Communism and Anti-Semitism

The two central aspects of Romanian fascist ideology are anti-communism and anti-Semitism. Like most other fascist ideologies, the struggle against communism was the primary concern of Romanian fascists. Romanian fascists argued that communism was inherently incompatible with the “psychic structure of the Romanian people” and Romanian national interests. The vehement anti-communist of Romanian fascism can be traced to the persistent interference of Russia in the political affairs of Romania. To a certain extent, anti-communism and anti-Semitism were interrelated in Romanian fascist ideology. Communism was considered by many fascists a Jewish conspiracy. Fascist anti-Semitism in Romania was utilized by the Iron Guard to divert the attention of the petty bourgeoisie away from the social, economic, and political problems of the nation. Anti-Semitism in Romanian fascist ideology was particularly violent, racist, and a uniquely mass phenomenon. Jews were considered an “inferior and degenerate race” and were often blamed for the “alteration” of Romanian culture and the socio-economic problems of the nation. Romanian fascist ideology demanded a “plan for the total elimination of Jews” in Romania.

Nationalism

Nationalism was another important and unique component of Romanian fascist ideology. Romanian nationalism is characterized by its chauvinism, romanticism, and racism. Nationalism in Romanian fascist ideology was similar to the German concept of nation. Romanian fascists conceived the Romanian nation as having a “soul, a consciousness, an existential center.” Nationality was embodied by the blood of the Romanian people and the soil of the Romanian nation. The cult of the Dacians, the proclaimed ancestors of the Romanian people, was similar to the Italian fascist cult of the Romans in that it supported the declarations of racial and cultural superiority by Romanian fascists. Imperialism was another component of Romanian nationalism and represented one of the solutions to the social, economic, and political difficulties of the Romanian nation. However, Romanian imperialism mainly constituted the expulsion or rejection of foreigners and foreign influences rather than the acquisition of additional territory.

Religion: “God is fascist!”

One of the unique characteristics of Romanian fascism is the incorporation of Orthodox Christianity into the political doctrine and structure of the Iron Guard. The religious element of Romanian fascism was utilized by the Iron Guard to gain the support of the rural population of Romania where religious beliefs were the strongest. The Iron Guard used religious themes for most of their propaganda. The widespread occurrence of “miracles” in Romania during the rise of the Iron Guard represented the utilization of religious propaganda to appeal to the superstitious rural population. In addition, Romanian fascists made use of collective prayers, religious chants, and processions in order to sway and influence the Romanian people. Orthodox Christianity was an essential component of Romanian fascist ideology because it was considered one of the most important elements of the “historical continuity” of the Romanian people. The Iron Guard was initially called the “Legion of the Archangel Michael” because it characterized the predestined character of the legionnaire movement.


http://www.claremontmckenna.edu/hist/jp ... eology.htm
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Sat Apr 05, 2014 1:43 pm

http://www.leninology.com/2014/04/eat-pork-or-die.html

SATURDAY, APRIL 05, 2014

Eat pork or die.

by Richard Seymour

The French fascists are buoyant. Brimming with energy after recent electoral success, the leader of the Front national (FN) Marine Le Pen has come up with a new way of punishing the Mohammedan interlopers. Their children should be made to eat pork or starve. And in towns that the FN have taken control of, this will be policy.

There are three points of immediate interest here.

First, the invocation of 'secularism'. Of all the the possible forms of ascriptive humiliation that could be targeted against Muslims, Le Pen chose one that is based on the French ideology of laïcité. This is a typical example of how the far right cannily exploits contradictions in the dominant ideology, imbricating itself into the 'mainstream' by operating on racist canards already popularised by the state, the ascendant parties, and the mass media. After all, why make allowances for replacement meals if we're banning headscarves? Of course, the fact that it also by definition targets Jewish pupils is a bonus for an organisation that, while trying to efface the most egregious manifestations of antisemitic ideology from its public image, likes to keep the hardcore happy.

Le Pen's provocation poses a challenge to the bourgeois parties. Either they accede, and grant her point as a logic extension of their own avowed commitments, or they rationalise, prevaricate and obfuscate. Neither option is good for them; both are great for the FN. The only possible way out would be to break with the ideology of laïcité and republicanism, which isn't going to happen.

Second, the palpable punitive violence of the suggestion. This is, of course, veiled in layers of plausible deniability, and mantled in the civilising discourse of the state. It isn't as though a bunch of school bullies or a gang of fascists was randomly targeting Muslim kids and trying to force-feed them chunks of bacon. It is instead a form of racialised biopolitics, which amounts to the state taking hold of the bodies of Muslim and Jewish children, and compelling them on pain of going hungry to ingest something which is - if they are devout - proscribed for them.

It is one thing to regulate apparel, to tell Muslims how they might dress in school, or work. But to regulate their diet, to compel them to ingest and assimilate into their body, on pain of not eating, something that is haraam, that is considered the filthiest meat, from what is considered the dirtiest animal in existence; and then to routinise it, as a matter of bureaucratic course, to regularly mark out as excluded those who cannot eat the meal or as capitulating those who do; this is a remarkably efficient way to make a symbolic act of humiliation both recurrent and ongoing, and effective at a deep, somatic level.

Third, this is social sadism, but it is sadism predicated upon resentment. The cause of resentment in this case is deviance from the dominant culture. It is the idea that Muslims (and Jews), by being different and getting away with it, are getting something special. It is the idea that this is just one of the many little extras and allowances given to the foreigner, the immigrant, the Muslim by the treacherous cosmopolitan elites in flagrant disregard for France's traditional secularism.

This is not to say that difference as such is the cause of resentment. Certainly, Muslim dietary habits might offend the parochial universalism that is integral to imperialist culture, but the question then is why don't all such deviations cause social resentment. There is nothing particularly controversial about the 'veggie option', for example; it would be more controversial if it wasn't there. Even airlines supply a range of meals for people with different dietary requirements: you can have Kosher, Muslim, Hindu, Jain, Vegan vegetarian, Lacto ovo vegetarian, Asian vegetarian, seafood only, bland, diabetic, gluten intolerant, low fat, low salt, low lactose, and so on and so on. People are different; they have different needs: hardly news. Most such differences don't generate social resentment. They have to be connotatively linked to suffering and loss for that to happen.

And of course, there has been for some time a project on the Right to popularise the notion that white people are being cheated and oppressed. Whether it is UKIP's Farage claiming to speak for the 'white working class', or the UMP's Jean-François Copé bemoaning 'anti-white racism', there has been a persistent project of linking the experiences of material decline on the part of certain social classes and strata with the spectre of national decline. Nor is this practice restricted to the Right. The fantasy of Majorité Opprimée was that the free rein given to North African immigrants, and particularly Muslims, menaced the material well-being, comfort and freedom of the French middle class, by undermining the 'values' upon which France was based - and that a particular form of nationalist feminism could save both France and its embattled middle class.

The cumulative effect of this is that significant layers of the population link their grievance, their injury and their loss to the freedoms and allowances made for Muslims, and want evidently something more than a simple material restitution whatever that could consist of: they want punishment, denigration and humiliation. They want their accumulated rage to be efficacious, for once; to be channelled in a terrible, cruel revenge. They want 'payback'. And to those, the FN offers a tantalising foretaste of what real 'payback' might feel like.
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Sat Apr 05, 2014 5:12 pm

http://datacide.c8.com/francois-genoud/

François Genoud

The life of a Swiss banker and fascist anti-Imperialist.

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François Genoud was born in 1915 in Lausanne, in the french-speaking part of Switzerland. In his teens he became an admirer of Adolf Hitler, met the future “Führer” in person in 1932, and remained a staunch National-Socialist until his death in 1996.

In 1936 this was amended with another life long commitment: to Arab nationalism, when he and a friend traveled to the middle east and met many leaders of the Palestinian national movement then exiled in Iraq, and in Jerusalem most importantly the Mufti, Haj Amin al-Husseini, himself not only the historic leader of Palestinian nationalism, but also a close ally of Nazi-Germany.

Genoud, back in Switzerland, opened a milkbar named Oasis in his hometown, which apparently became a meeting point for Axis agents (in some literature the Oasis is referred to as a “nightclub”).

He was already a member of the National Front, the most prominent of the fascist movements in Switzerland, which was oriented towards German National-Socialism (other fascist groups in Switzerland, especially in the French speaking west, tended to be more oriented towards Mussolini’s Italian fascism). In the years from 1933-38 the swiss fascists seemed to be growing in popularity, although they remained marginal compared to the success of the fascist movements in most other European countries at the time. Popular support for the NF collapsed more or less with the “Anschluss” of Austria in 1938.

Many Frontists – such as Genoud – became direct supporters of the German “Reich” then and moved to Germany to offer their services for the National-Socialist cause.

In 1941 he met again with al-Husseini who was setting up headquarters in Berlin to coordinate the formation of the muslim SS-brigade in Bosnia, as well as the anti-British and anti-Zionist activities of Arab insurgents in Palestine, consistently lobbying Berlin not to allow Jews to escape to Palestine, but to murder them instead.

Not that the Germans weren’t doing that already, but there is at least one case where Himmler was prepared – as a propaganda coup – to exchange 5’000 Jewish children for 20’000 German POW’s. Al-Husseinis incessant lobbying made sure that this “deal” fell through and the children were sent to the gas chambers instead.

Genoud and al-Husseini remained friends until the latters death in 1974.

Another life-long friendship was starting in the same year: with Paul Dickopf.

Dickopf was a SS-officer and became Genoud’s contact at the Stuttgart office of the Abwehr (Intelligence Agency). After the war, Dickopf claimed he had deserted in 1942 and had gone into hiding in Switzerland – at Genoud’s place. In reality he only “disappeared” in 1944 and indeed stayed with Genoud in Lausanne. That Genoud was a fanatical Nazi is only one of the facts that make Dickopf’s story lack credibility. It’s true that he started working for both the Swiss and the Americans (via Allen Dulles’ OSS office in Bern), but it’s almost certain that simultaneously he still worked for Germany – a triple agent, something he managed to obscure after the war, when he was making a steep and rapid career in the Federal police of West Germany, becoming the chief of the BKA (the German equivalent of the FBI) in 1965, and in addition to that head of Interpol in 1968.

It is said that he was partly elected to this post thanks to his friend François Genoud’s good connections to the Arab countries.

In 1971 he was deposed under allegations of incompetence, but he had certainly proved to be able to place a staggering number of former Nazi agents in the BKA.

Besides this it is noticeable that under Dickopf’s leadership Interpol essentially refused to deal with the emerging modern terrorism (hijackings of planes, Munich), claiming these were “political” and not criminal deeds.

But back in time:

The Mufti of Jerusalem escaped from Berlin in the last days of the “Reich” and tried to make his way into Switzerland. The Swiss arrested him and deported him to France where he was put under house arrest. Yugoslavia was seeking extradition for his involvement in war crimes comitted by the Bosnian SS brigade he had helped set up. Al-Husseini however managed to escape to Egypt.

He wasn’t the only war criminal who was seeking refuge there, the country became – not dissimilar to Peron’s Argentina – a safe haven for active Nazis, allowing them to continue their struggle.

Genoud in the meantime had kept himself busy moving Nazi money into safe Swiss accounts and also helping Nazis escape to the Middle East or South America.

Soon after he made his first steps in a new direction: Publishing.

His first coup was when he got his hands on the Martin Bormann archives which contain the transcripts of Hitler’s “table talks”. Later he secured literary rights to them, making a deal with Hitler’s sister, and the literary estate of Goebbels, which thanks to the diaries would make Genoud a fortune in the coming decades.

On May 14, 1948, David Ben Gurion declared the statehood of Israel in Tel Aviv. The next day the troops of Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq attacked Israel. Abd ar-Rahman Assam, secretary general of the Arab League declared:”This war will be a war to extermination and lead to a terrible massacre.” This makes it clear that the Israeli defense was not only for the statehood of Israel but for the very lives of the Jews living in Palestine.

The Mufti did whatever he could to contribute to the success of this massacre, by lobbying in Egypt, setting up a “Holy War Army” and later an “All-Palestine Government” in Gaza (then a part of Egypt).

In 1952 the “Free Officers” under Gamal Abdel Nasser and Muhammad Naguib took power in Egypt by way of a coup. Early on a number of Nazi exiles were among the advisors for the Free Officers. Active Nazi involvement in the 50’s is estimated several hundred strong.

After the king was deposed, Egypt also became a safe place for the Algerian anti-colonial struggle, in which François Genoud took part in a particular way, mainly through the foundation of the “Arab Commercial Bank” in 1958 which started playing a considerable role in trade with Middle Eastern countries and served as the conduit for arms acquisitions by the Algerian FLN.

Hjalmar Schacht, once Hitler’s finance minister and now a banker and financial advisor for governments and businesses from Syria to Indonesia, was consulted in the process of setting up the bank and declared in one meeting: “Germany can conquer the world without waging war”.

In 1960 a setback happened for Genoud: First Paula Hitler died without signing the contract that would have given him the rights for all of Hitlers works. A year later Adolf Eichmann was found in Argenitina and taken to Israel by a Mossad commando. Genoud was financing the defense.

In the same year there was the conference of Evian which brought an end to the war and lead to independence of Algeria and the freeing of the jailed leaders of the FLN.

After independence François Genoud was at the heart of power of the new state.

Soon there were cracks in the unity of the FLN leadership, at first with Ahmed Ben Bella, Boumedienne, Khider on the one, and Belkassim Krim and Mohammed Boudiaf on the other side. But it only took months until cracks between Ben Bella and Khider started appearing.

Mohammed Khider – one of the historic leaders and its Secretary General – was concentrating the warchest of the FLN in the Arab Commercial Bank. A total of nearly 42m Swiss Francs was deposited in numbered accounts.

As Genoud was covering for Khider he soon lost his privileges in Algeria and even spent a few months in prison there. Khider himself was assassinated by Algerian agents in Madrid in 1967.

After independence, Yasser Arafat, leader of the Palestinian Fatah (and a remote relative of al-Husseini), asked the new Algerian leadership to open an office for his movement. Under the auspices of Abu Jihad (Chalil al-Wazir) it iwas through this “embassy” that contacts to the Soviet Union, China, North Vietnam, North Korea and other countries were established and leaders like Che Guevara were received as guests.

Arafat was developing a “Chinese option” of guerilla warfare against Israel, a development that was seen with critical eyes by the Egyptians who saw their influence on Palestinian Nationalism vane, but who also understood that the guerilla option was not a promising one in a country like Israel where there were no remote areas for retreat as they existed in countries like Algeria or Vietnam.

Not surprisingly, François Genoud soon made contact with members of the new generation of exponents of Palestinian nationalism. The closest relation he struck was with the supposedly “left wing” PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine), becoming a good friend of Waddi Haddad, one of its historic leaders.

Palestinian nationalism started having a great attraction towards young Europeans who projected their respective ideas of the “people’s war” onto it. Among the first who were trained by the PFLP in their guerilla camps in Jordan were Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof, the founders of the Red Army Faction.

The first European casualty was the neo-Nazi Roger Coudray who died as a member of Fatah.

Neither the PFLP nor Fatah had problems associating with old and new Nazis, or members of the “New Left” at the same time. Fatah sent two observers to a congress of an ultra-racist organisation called the New European Order, headed by the notorious Swiss Nazi and holocaust denier Gaston-Armand Amaudruz. This of course was in the same year – 1969 – that the German SDS (left wing student organisation) sent a delegation to the PLO congress to Algier to express their comittment to the “Endsieg” of the Palestinians against Israel. One of the German delegates was Josef (“Joschka”) Fischer, who would later become German Foreign minister (and as one could argue, kept up his support for armed nationalist rackets by intervening on the side of the “Kosovo Liberation Army” in Yugoslavia in the late 90’s).

1968 was the year that the PFLP started its campaigns of plane hijackings, which reached a peak in 1970.

This was the year when Genoud met a new young recruit to the Palestinian cause, the Venezuelan Illich Ramirez Sanchez, who would later be known as Carlos and rise to notoriety for the kidnapping of the OPEC oil ministers.

His involvement with Palestinian terror groups didn’t keep Genoud from pursueing his career as a publisher of the Goebbels diaries and other Nazi literature. Often there were problems that were fought out in courts, but he usually came out on top and made a fortune with it.

The courts were also a platform for Genouds struggle to help all kinds of Nazis and Anti-Semites. After already orchestrating the legal defense of Adolf Eichmann, he did the same for the Palestinian commando that attacked an Israeli air plane on Zürich airport, for Klaus Barbie, the “butcher of Lyon”, and for Carlos, often in collaboration with Jacques Vergès, a prominent figure in France oscillating between anti-imperialism and anti-Semitism.

In the meantime the attempts of the Algerian government to regain the “treasure of the FLN” cost more lives, and was also battled out in courts. Years later there was finally a settlement, whereby the BCA became a part of the Algerian banking system. However a measly 2,5m Swiss Francs were left of the “treasure” by then.

Genoud’s life remained action packed and his comittment to the Nazi cause never faltered.

He was believed by Swiss authorities to have been the founder of Lugano-based al Taqwa Bank, which was shut down in 2002 for reputed status as a funding conduit for al Qaeda and Hamas.

On May 30th, 1996 Genoud committed suicide, with the help of the Swiss pro-euthanasia group Exit, a short time after Jewish leaders and Swiss banking officials announced an unprecedented agreement to set up a commission to examine secret bank and government files to search for funds deposited in Switzerland by Holocaust victims.

To what degree this inquiry would have touched on his activities and transactions will remain unknown. A master of secrecy, he managed to stay in the shadows.

Main source:
Karl Laske: Ein Leben zwischen Hitler und Carlos: François Genoud, Limmat Verlag, Zürich 1996
German translation of: Le banquier noir. François Genoud, Editions du Seuil, Paris 1996
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Sun Apr 06, 2014 8:34 am

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfre ... food-banks

The danger in the BNP's 'indigenous Brits only' food banks

Manipulative charity thrives in the spaces vacated by welfare, a tool the Nazis, Mussolini and, more recently, Greece's Golden Dawn have used before



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'The less provision we can claim as a citizenship right, the more can be offered as propaganda.'

What is it with fascists and charity? One of the most insidious propaganda coups on the part of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn in Greece was to initiate a series of food banks for "indigenous" Greeks. Since last year, BNP food banks have been spotted in east London – similar to their traditional propaganda efforts based on civic activism such as litter-picking – and now the party has announced to a riveted world that these are only for "indigenous Brits".

This isn't even coded racism. It was only a few years ago that the BNP explained the concept of "racial foreigners" to the credulous – if you're not white, they averred, you're not truly British. As if to underline the point in this context, the BNP's duce, Nick Griffin, also charmingly compared a leading black member of Unite Against Fascism, who had criticised the scheme, to an orc – a mythical, villainous humanoid creature with facial features drawn from various animals.

There's no need to speculate about what sort of person reduces black people to bestiary. It is the sort of person who received a suspended prison sentence after he published a Holocaust denial in The Rune. The cover of said publication also tantalised readers with a picture of a hangman's noose and the query: "What has a rope got to do with WHITE UNITY?" Continued inside, the article disclosed that when "payback time" came, the rope could be put to "capital work". Question: in all of the many media spots allotted to Griffin over the years, how many of his interviewers thought to bring this up?

At any rate, there is nothing new about such folkish charity. Mussolini's regime ran a series of charities including the Ente Opere Assistenziali, which distributed meals to poor Italians. The Nazi Winterhilfswerk charity distributed food and fuel to the German volk in harsh winter times. In fact the charity had been set up under Chancellor Brüning in 1931, but Hitler – knowing good propaganda when he saw it – appropriated the charity wholesale, making it central to nazism.

The BNP is far from having the clout to emulate these past forms of fascist welfare. The party is on a downward spiral. At the high point of its success, gaining nearly a million votes in the European elections in 2009, it was a regular feature in the media and all too often setting the terms of the debate on immigration and race. Its subsequent electoral breakdown and schisms have seen it recede from the spotlight. The attempt to belatedly make something of the social misery arising from the capitalist crisis and subsequent austerity regime is painfully transparent. The money and infrastructure behind this scheme is negligible, and its sole purpose is likely to be to generate the publicity that it has.

Still, there is an underlying logic here, which it is worth paying attention to. One of the central ambiguities of fascist ideology is the demand for, on the one hand, social cohesion, discipline and solidarity, and, on the other hand, vicious competition along social Darwinist lines. The latter militated strongly against welfarism, and particularly against redistribution – but it was hard to see how masses could be mobilised for national revolution, much less subsequent wars, without some form of social solidarity. Linked to this is a second contradiction. Fascist parties have often claimed at some level to be working-class parties, but at the same time align with business once in power.

What the deployment of charity did was to resolve this deadlock. Charities would embody the desired ethic of national community, while only redistributing modest amounts of income from workers to other workers, often in a coercive way. Moreover, using the charitable method meant this welfare didn't have to be provided as a right to citizens, but could be directed by the party to preferred social groups or toward ideological ends such as "race hygiene" or the promotion of families and birth.

And this is the danger. The BNP are currently not the major force on the right profiting from austerity, nor is their initiative here significant in itself. However, the rise of food banks and soup kitchens in the neoliberal era has been real, and austerity has accelerated the trend. Right now, evangelicals are better at taking advantage of this than fascists, but the fact is that such manipulative charity thrives in the spaces vacated by welfare. The less provision we can claim as a citizenship right, the more can be offered as propaganda, on the basis of some putative moral advantage – even if the only moral edge one has is to be "indigenous".
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Mon Apr 07, 2014 11:44 am

Fascism and colonialism in the work of Cut Hands and Blackest Ever Black

Some of the best-loved, most critically lauded labels have welcomed actual fascists onto their rosters and into their sets. As well as releasing work from Cut Hands, Downwards boss Regis frequently uses the music of fascist artists in his mixes. As a member of Sandwell District, Regis included tracks from Boyd Rice and Death In June in his mix for Fabric. Both also appear on 2012’s Hidden Summer mix. Boyd Rice is an associate of Bob Heick, the leader of Californian white supremacist organisation the American Front (AF), and was famously photographed with Heick in AF uniform. Rice also appeared on Race And Reason, a TV show hosted by ex-Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard and White Aryan Resistance founder Tom Metzger, on which he was described as a “cult figure in the racial underground musical world”. During the interview Rice is asked about the “evolution of this underground music into the more white racially oriented music.” He cites, amongst others, Death In June, who he describes as “very racialist oriented.”

In fact, Death In June make recurring appearances in this world. According to Blood & Honour, a neo-Nazi promotions outfit with close links to Combat 18, Death In June played “kettle drums draped in Totenkopf banners” while “dressed in SS pea pattern smocks”. Death In June’s founder, Tony Wakeford, was a member of the National Front, and was photographed in 1982 manning an NF stall on Brick Lane, in the heart of London’s Bangladeshi community. After leaving Death In June Wakeford formed Above The Ruins, who contributed a song to the National Front benefit album No Surrender Vol 1, alongside Skrewdriver. Wakeford founded Sol Invictus after the collapse of Above The Ruins – and Sol Invictus’ “See The Dove Fall” / “Somewhere In Europe” was, until last month, distributed by Blackest Ever Black. I contacted the label’s founder Kiran Sande for comment several times and, although he did not respond, immediately after my first email the Sol Invictus record disappeared from their site. Although the page is not available on the Way Back Machine, at the time of writing it still appears in Google search results.

Wakeford claims to have renounced his fascist politics, but he continues to keep extremely questionable company. The artwork for his 2007 album Into The Woods, for example,was painted by artist Richard Moult, for whom David Myatt has also sat – Myatt being the man described by The Guardian as the “ideological heavyweight” behind Combat 18. Associations aside, many people would question how many chances should be given to Wakeford, a man who attended fascist demonstrations in Brick Lane in the wake of the racially motivated murder of Altab Ali, a 24 year-old Bangladeshi man who was stabbed in the neck to death, and after whom a Whitechapel park is now named. Ali’s murder followed that of Kennith Singh, a 10 year-old who was stabbed to death, eight times in the back of his head, just weeks before, and just a stone’s throw from his home.


http://joshhall.net/post/81578386910/fa ... -hands-and
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Wed Apr 09, 2014 10:59 am

REBRANDING BRITISH NEOFASCISM AND THE EDL

There has been much talk of Tommy Robinson (AKA Stephen Lennon) leaving the EDL. Some believe it is just a put on, whilst others believe his “conversion” is genuine. My own view is that it is merely a rebranding of British neofascism, which has constantly tried to gain ground in the wider world by dumping its unsavoury elements.

ImageThis approach has been a constant since the 1950s and Tyndall running around in Nazi gear.

It is conceivable there maybe the odd occasion when an active hardcore racist or neofascist gives up their prior beliefs, and that is to be welcomed. However, when that happens there is normally a severe break with the past. A severing of old ties and clear breakage with former repulsive opinions.

I notice that has not occurred with Lennon. But rather than express my own skepticism I think many others do it better.

Alex Andreou’s Don’t be fooled by Tommy Robinson’s political sleight-of-hand is superb:



“There is a pattern of behaviour here. Robinson is doing what leaders of far-right movements have always done and continue to do. Like shyster businessmen, they set up one firm that serves their goals, then declare it insolvent and set up another one with a different name – each time creaming the profit of press coverage and a small shift of the political landscape.

This is exactly the modus operandi of such factions. From the British Union of Fascists to the British People’s party, the Action party, the National Front, the Flag Group, the New National Front, the BNP and the EDL, the far-right throbs and expands, blooms, then folds into itself and subdivides like an amorphous but sentient blob from a 1950s B movie. It reinvents itself constantly until it finds the marketable packaging, charismatic personnel, economic conditions and public mood within which it can thrive. In the process it creates new and unusual vacant spaces in our political consciousness that existing or newly formed parties scramble to fill. The entire manoeuvre is designed to inexorably drag the Overton window to the right, making the intolerable, accepted and the intolerant, acceptable.”


More at: https://soupyone.wordpress.com/2013/10/ ... d-the-edl/
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Re: A New Europe: Anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, Nation-State

Postby American Dream » Thu Apr 10, 2014 9:52 am

http://liveraf.wordpress.com/2014/04/10 ... y-tactics/

SPECIAL REPORT FROM HUNGARY, FAR-RIGHT PARTY SPREADS IDEOLOGY, TACTICS
Posted by Marmite on April 10, 2014

Image
Ruch Narodowy’s leader Robert Winnicki poses for a picture at an office in Warsaw

WARSAW (Reuters) – In a rented public hall not far from Poland’s parliament, about 150 people gathered one afternoon late last year to hear speeches by a collection of far-right leaders from around Europe.The event was organized by Ruch Narodowy, or National Movement, a Polish organization that opposes foreign influences, views homosexuality as an illness and believes Poland is threatened by a leftist revolution hatched in Brussels.Chief attraction was Marton Gyongyosi, one of the leaders of Hungarian far-right party Jobbik.In a 20-minute speech, Gyongyosi addressed the crowd, mostly men in their thirties and forties, as “our Polish brothers,” and railed against globalization, environmentalists, socialists, and what he called a cabal of Western economic interests.Poles needed to resist the forces hurting ordinary people, he said, before urging “regional cooperation between our countries.”It is a familiar rallying cry. Far-right groups have emerged or grown stronger across Europe in the wake of the financial crisis, and they are increasingly sharing ideas and tactics. Reuters has found ties between at least half a dozen of the groups in Europe’s ex-Communist east. At the network’s heart, officials from those groups say, sits Jobbik.

The party won 20.54 percent of the vote in Hungary’s parliamentary election on April 6, up from the 15.86 percent it won in 2010, cementing its status as by far the largest far-right group in Eastern Europe.

From its strong base at home, Jobbik has stepped up efforts to export its ideology and methods to the wider region, encouraging far-right parties to run in next month’s European parliamentary elections, and propagating a brand of nationalist ideology which is so hardline and so tinged with anti-Semitism, that some rightist groups in Western Europe have distanced themselves from the Hungarians.

The spread of Jobbik’s ideology has alarmed anti-racism campaigners, gay rights activists, and Jewish groups. They believe it could fuel a rise in racially-motivated, anti-Semitic or homophobic street attacks. Longer-term, they say, it could help the far-right gain more political power.

In a statement sent to Reuters, Jobbik said that it hoped the people of central and eastern Europe would unite in an “alliance that spreads from the Adriatic to the Baltic Sea,” to counter what it called Euro-Atlantic suppression.

Jobbik rejected any link between the growing strength of radical nationalists and violence. “Jobbik condemns violence, and its members cannot be linked to such acts either,” it said.

SPREADING IDEOLOGY
The day after Gyongyosi’s speech last November, Jobbik’s leader, Gabor Vona, addressed another rally in a Warsaw park.

“The path to final victory involves a million small steps,” he told the crowd, through a translator. “You should take up this challenge. Take part in the European elections.”

The crowd chanted: “Poland and Hungary are brothers!”

As they marched through the city earlier that day, some of the Polish participants fought pitched battles with police and set fire to a rainbow sculpture erected as a symbol of diversity.

Poland is not the only example of Jobbik’s regional outreach. Far-right groups in Poland, Slovakia, Croatia, and Bulgaria told Reuters they have ties with fellow parties in several countries in the region. Jobbik sat at the center of that web, the only one with contacts with all the parties.

Nick Griffin, leader of the British National Party (BNP), one of the few far right parties in Western Europe with close relations with Jobbik, said the Hungarian party is the driving force behind efforts to forge a far-right coalition.

Other groups say they admire the party because of its success in Hungary and its organizational muscle.

Jobbik appears to operate on a shoestring. It has an annual budget of $2.34 million, according to the Hungarian state audit office, most of it from a state allowance to parties in parliament. Jobbik denies giving financial aid to other groups, but it can afford its own staff, travel, and facilities – all factors that enhance its influence.

“Jobbik is a market leader of sorts,” Gyongyosi said. “There are shared values, and the way Jobbik grew big, why could the same thing not happen elsewhere?”

“AGAINST THE DICTATES OF BRUSSELS”
Broadly speaking those shared values include a strong opposition to Brussels, a dislike of immigrants, and a suspicion of Jews and of the Roma, an ethnic minority who number about 10 million in Eastern Europe and who have faced centuries of discrimination.

Hromoslav Skrabak, leader of 19-year-old Slovakian group Slovenska Pospolitost, has argued for racial segregation and “humanitarian” methods to reduce Roma fertility. Skrabak said his group cooperates with far-right groups in Belarus, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Serbia to jointly fight “against the dictate of Brussels,” and to spread the idea of pan-Slavism, a union of ethnic Slavs.

Frano Cirko, a member of the Croatian Pure Party of Rights, said cooperation between far-right groups helped take on “neo-liberal” capitalism, which he said threatened national values in Europe and made it too easy for foreign firms to buy Croatian companies.

Angel Dzhambazki, deputy leader of Bulgaria’s VMRO, a movement that has its roots in the late 19th century and was revived in 1990, said its “close cooperation” with Jobbik and a Croatian group had helped it grow. “We invite them to participate in our meetings, and at the same time we take part in events organized by them.”

VRMO is in the process of forming a coalition with a new populist party called Bulgaria Without Censorship. A poll by Bulgaria’s Institute of Modern Politics showed that, together, the parties would have 5.6 percent support for the European Parliament election, putting them third and giving them a chance of winning one of Bulgaria’s allocation of 17 seats. The elections for the European Parliament take place on May 22-25 in all 28 member states of the bloc.

WESTERN FRONT
Jobbik has had less success in Western Europe, where more established nationalist parties reject its anti-Semitic views. In 2012, Jobbik’s Gyongyosi told the Hungarian parliament that Jews were a threat to national security and should be registered on lists. He later apologized and said he had been misunderstood. But parties such as the Dutch Party of Freedom, which is staunchly pro-Israel, and France’s National Front, which has sought to move away from its anti-Semitic past, are both wary of the Hungarian group.

Jobbik’s principal ally in Western Europe is the British National Party. Griffin, its leader, said the BNP and Jobbik were working together on building a functioning bloc of nationalists within the European Parliament.

“I would say probably I do more of the work in eastern and southern Europe than they (Jobbik) do, whereas they tend to concentrate on the center and the east,” Griffin said in a telephone interview.

Opinion polls in Britain suggest the BNP will lose the two seats it currently holds in the European parliament.

One far-right party that polls predict will win seats in Brussels is Greece’s Golden Dawn, which says it wants to rid the country of the “stench” of immigrants. But Jobbik told Reuters Golden Dawn was “unfit” for the Hungarian party to cooperate with. Golden Dawn spokesman Ilias Kasidiaris said there was no official cooperation with Jobbik.

Cas Mudde, assistant professor at the School for Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia in the United States, said that Jobbik is driven in part to look for allies “to show that it is not some kind of marginal phenomenon. There are two ways to do that: You can do it nationally, which is very hard, or you can do it internationally by saying: ‘Look, we have friends all over the place.’”

“THIS IS DANGEROUS”
Last May, the World Jewish Congress (WJC) urged European governments to consider banning neo-Nazi parties that threatened democracy and minority rights. The WJC met in the Hungarian capital Budapest to underscore its concerns about Jobbik.

Rafal Pankowski from Never Again, a Polish anti-racist association that tracks cases of racially motivated violence, said he feared that Jobbik’s efforts to spread its tactics and ideology could lead to more violence against minorities.

“This is dangerous,” he said of Jobbik’s international influence. “If similar groups in other countries copy this model … then the situation might worsen.”

Robert Biedron, a gay member of the Polish parliament, said Polish far-right activists ran a website called Red Watch where they posted pictures and personal details of people they described as “queers and deviants,” as well as lists of left-wing activists and Jewish academics.
Biedron reported to police that he was beaten up in Warsaw at the end of February in what he believes was a homophobic attack.

Biedron said he did not expect Ruch Narodowy to win seats in this year’s European election, but the Polish party’s support was rising, and it had a chance in next year’s Polish parliamentary polls. If that happens, he said, it will use parliament to promote its rhetoric “based on hate for others.”

Jobbik’s network-building has been most successful in Poland in part because Poland and Hungary have no historical claims on each other’s territory, an issue that has often hindered cooperation between Jobbik and nationalists from other neighbors.

PARAMILITARIES
On a sandy riverbank in the shadow of a bridge over the river Vistula, members of the paramilitary arm of Ruch Narodowy rehearsed for their role as stewards before November’s rally in Warsaw.

Some looked like the stereotype of far-right skinheads. Others were middle-class professionals. One showed up in an Audi saloon, another in an expensive sports utility vehicle. The unit’s leader, Przemyslaw Czyzewski, said several members were lawyers.

A diagram of the organization’s structure showed it had a military-style hierarchy, and units called “choragiew”, a word which was used in the past to describe Polish cavalry formations.

Explaining why he decided to join the unit, one man said he wanted to defend Polish values under threat from foreign influences. “I finally had to do something,” said the man, in his thirties, who did not give his name.

The group denies it takes its inspiration from Hungary, but it has striking similarities with Jobbik’s paramilitary wing, called “Magyar Garda,” or Hungarian Guard. In 2008 a court ruled that Magyar Garda threatened the dignity of Roma and Jewish people. The group disbanded but was quickly replaced by a similar organization.

Robert Winnicki, the bookish, bespectacled 28-year-old leader of Ruch Narodowy, has described homosexuality as “a plague” and talked of creating a “new type of Pole” disciplined enough to take on the country’s enemies.

He told Reuters that the aim of his movement’s contacts with foreign peers was to “exchange experiences, learn from each other.”
Winnicki traveled to Hungary in March last year to address a rally of Jobbik activists.

“Inspired by your example, we are organizing a national movement today in Poland,” he told his Hungarian hosts, according to a published transcript.

“An army is quickly growing in Poland which soon, on its section of the front, will join the battle that you are conducting. And together we will march to victory.”


From Reuters News Agency . Report by Marcin Goettig and Christian Lowe. 09.04.14

(Additional reporting by Marton Dunai in Budapest, Renee Maltezou in Athens, Tsvetelia Tsolova and Angel Krasimirov in; Sofia, Robert Muller in Prague, and Zoran Radosavljevic and Igor Ilic in Zagreb; Editing by Simon Robinson and Sara Ledwith)
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