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That time a Russian billionaire paid Trump $95 million for a mansion
by Jose Pagliery @Jose_Pagliery
July 27, 2016: 5:33 PM ET
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Donald Trump insisted Wednesday that his only dealing with Russia was when he sold a mansion to a Russian billionaire for nearly $100 million.
Trump was asked about Russia during his news conference Wednesday because of speculation that Russia was behind the hack of the Democratic National Committee's emails in an effort to help his campaign. The FBI is still investigating and has not identified the hackers.
"No, I have nothing to do with Russia," Trump told a reporter in Doral, Florida. "How many times do I have say that? Are you a smart man? I have nothing to with Russia, I have nothing to do with Russia."
Trump then acknowledged: There was that one time.
"What do I have to do with Russia? You know the closest I came to Russia, I bought a house a number of years ago in Palm Beach, Florida... for $40 million and I sold it to a Russian for $100 million including brokerage commissions."
What was that deal exactly?
It started when Trump pulled off one of his signature deals, picking up distressed property at a bargain.
maison de lamitie mansion
The Maison de L'Amitie is a massive beachfront estate in Palm Beach, Florida. The 81,738 square foot mansion sits on 6.2 acres -- with 475 feet of sandy beach facing the Atlantic Ocean. It belonged to Abraham Gosman, a millionaire who owned health care properties across the country -- until he went bankrupt.
In a 2004 auction, Trump snapped up the property from Gosman's Chapter 7 Bankruptcy Estate for $41 million, according to property records.
Four years later, Trump sold the mansion for $95 million.
maison de lamitie contract
The official deed on that deal says that Trump Properties sold the property to County Road Property LLC. But that's just a front. The real buyer of the property was Russian billionaire Dmitry Rybolovlev.
Rybolovlev admitted it through a spokesman in 2008, and his real estate agent on the deal reaffirmed it to CNNMoney this week.
Carol Digges, the South Florida broker who gave Rybolovlev a tour of the luxurious estate two years before he bought it, said the Russian billionaire never moved in. In fact, she doubts he ever moved in.
"He bought it and never lived in it," she said.
The Russian is now planning to tear down the mansion, according to Palm Beach planning and zoning records.
There's reason for Rybolovlev to keep valuable assets at a distance. He was involved in what's been called "the divorce of the century," a seven-year battle his wife won when a Swiss court awarded her $4.5 billion -- and later settled quietly.
Trump pointed to this deal because it clearly involved him getting richer from Russian money -- but this doesn't exactly tie him to Vladimir Putin, as the Democratic Party would like to portray.
Rybolovlev is a Russian oligarch. He made his billions by keeping a major stake in the Russian fertilizer company Uralkali just after the fall of the Soviet Union. But he wasn't beloved by the Russian government. He spent nearly a year in Russian prison in the mid-1990s on charges he hired an assassin -- until he was proven innocent and released.
And it's clear Trump is starting to get irked over questions about Russians.
"That was a number of years ago," Trump said at the press conference, talking about the deal with Rybolovlev. "I guess probably I sell condos to Russians, okay?"
Donald Trump’s call for Russia to hack Hillary Clinton’s email is a new low for American politics — and maybe a crime
Trump has not only abetted Russian meddling in American politics but has also encouraged Russia to engage in what is arguably criminal activity, the hacking into a private email server. Under the federal Stored Communications Act, anyone who “intentionally accesses without authorization a facility through which an electronic communication service is provided” is subject to criminal penalties of up to five years in prison for a first offense.
Publisher Won’t Reprint Trump Biography Where Ivana Claims He Raped Her
“I know of no other previous president who as a developer enthusiastically sought and lavishly compensated mob associated concrete pouring contractors for his buildings, who bankrupted four casinos, who deliberately induced bankers to lend him money on real estate projects that were destined to go bankrupt because he knew they were ‘too big to fail,’ and who has an ex-wife who swore he raped her,” Hurt said.
mlk's dream where so and so's wouldn't be judged by such and such's but by the content of their characters. so, with a nice mix of colors and genders it is exclusively people of bad character vying for the biggest prize of them all, control of the state to not even pretend to do anything other with it, than what it has always been used to do. imo, mlk was killed by the state so we would not have to think these thoughts. jus sayinMy apologies to all white males..I know you are not all like that
Published on
Friday, July 22, 2016
by The Nation
If Trump’s Speech Sounded Familiar, That’s Because Nixon Gave It First
Donald Trump’s law-and-order message is strikingly similar to the speech Richard Nixon delivered in 1968.
byJohn Nichols
Donald Trump formally accepts the nomination at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, July 21, 2016. (Photo: Reuters / Carlo Allegri)
Cleveland—Donald Trump accepted the Republican nomination for president on a Thursday night in the long hot summer of 2016 with a speech that signaled his determination to exploit fears of violence as part of crusade to seize the White House from the Democrats.
Promising a fierce campaign on behalf of law and order, he declared:
Our Convention occurs at a moment of crisis for our nation. The attacks on our police, and the terrorism in our cities, threaten our very way of life. Any politician who does not grasp this danger is not fit to lead our country.
Americans watching this address tonight have seen the recent images of violence in our streets and the chaos in our communities. Many have witnessed this violence personally, some have even been its victims.
I have a message for all of you: the crime and violence that today afflicts our nation will soon—and I mean very soon—come to an end. Beginning on January 20th of 2017, safety will be restored.
Sound familiar?
It will, for those who recall a Republican convention almost 50 years ago.
Richard Nixon accepted the Republican nomination for president on a Thursday night in the long hot summer of 1968 with a speech that signaled his determination to exploit fears of violence as part of crusade to seize the White House from the Democrats.
Promising a fierce campaign on behalf of law and order, he declared:
As we look at America, we see cities enveloped in smoke and flame.
We hear sirens in the night.
We see Americans dying on distant battlefields abroad.
We see Americans hating each other; fighting each other; killing each other at home.
And as we see and hear these things, millions of Americans cry out in anguish.
Did we come all this way for this?
Did American boys die in Normandy, and Korea, and in Valley Forge for this?
The permissive ’60s would end, Nixon argued, with the transition of power from a Democratic administration to a Republican who was prepared to crack down on violence.
“Tonight, it is time for some honest talk about the problem of order in the United States,” declared Nixon in 1968.
“It is finally time for a straightforward assessment of the state of our nation,” declared Trump in 2016.
“The most basic duty of government is to defend the lives of its own citizens. Any government that fails to do so is a government unworthy to lead,” Trump told Republican delegates in 2016.
“When the nation with the greatest tradition of the rule of law is plagued by unprecedented lawlessness…then it’s time for new leadership for the United States of America,” Nixon told Republican delegates in 1968.
Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort indicated Monday that his candidate was looking to Nixon’s 1968 speech as a model. “The Nixon 1968 speech—if you go back and read that speech—is pretty much on line with a lot of the issues that are going on today,” Manafort explained. “And it was an instructive speech.”
Very, very instructive.
The language is different enough to guard against charges of plagiarism. Nixon was rougher on people who relied on welfare programs, while Trump was rougher on immigrants, promising to launch crackdowns, to build walls, and to “immediately suspend immigration from any nation that has been compromised by terrorism until such time as proven vetting mechanisms have been put in place.” Nixon talked about Vietnam and fighting communism. Trump talked about Syria and fighting Islamic terrorism.
But the core premises adopted by Nixon in 1968 and Trump in 2016 are parallel—not just on criminal-justice issues but also on questions about how the United States might project an image of strength on the global stage. Trump’s speech even included an extended riff on the failings of President Lyndon Johnson, the man Nixon sought to replace.
Trump is a different man from Nixon. Twenty sixteen is a different year from 1968.
But it was difficult to listen to Donald Trump on Thursday night without getting a powerful sense that he plans to run in 2016 as Richard Nixon did in 1968.
That should give Americans pause. While Nixon promised to “bring us together,” he actually tore the country apart, adopting a “Southern strategy” that sought to capitalize on resentment over progress on civil rights and voting rights, adopting the bizarre calculus that blames liberal social programs for poverty and hopelessness, ushering in policies that set the stage for a mass incarceration of Americans that now even conservatives recognize as a crisis. The peace he promised at home proved to be as illusive as his “secret plan” to end the war in Vietnam.
Nineteen sixty-eight was a difficult and challenging moment in America. The summer of that year saw racial division, clashes in the streets, and traumatizing instances of violence in the nation’s cities. Nixon exploited the difficulties, the challenges, the violence in order to usher in a new politics of code words and backlash.
Twenty sixteen is a difficult and challenging moment in America. The summer of this year has seen racial division, clashes in the streets, and traumatizing instances of violence in the nation’s cities. Trump is exploiting the difficulties, the challenges, the violence in order to usher in a new politics of code words and backlash.
Nixon promised in 1968 to be the voice of a silent majority. Trump promised in 2016 to be the the voice of “forgotten men and women of our country. People who work hard but no longer have a voice.”
“We make great history tonight,” said Richard Milhous Nixon in the summer of 1968. “We do not fire a shot heard ’round the world but we shall light the lamp of hope in millions of homes across this land in which there is no hope today. And that great light shining out from America will again become a beacon of hope for all those in the world who seek freedom and opportunity.”
“History is watching us now,” said Donald John Trump in the summer of 2016. “It’s waiting to see if we will rise to the occasion, and if we will show the whole world that America is still free and independent and strong.”
The parallels point to what may turn out to be the most vital question of 2016: Will history repeat itself?
Published on
Friday, July 22, 2016
byCommon Dreams
Donald Trump's Autocratic Speech Triggers Alarm Bells
Trump's speech ultimately "signaled his determination to exploit fears of violence as part of crusade to seize the White House."
byNadia Prupis, staff writer
Donald Trump accepts the Republican nomination for president on July 21, 2016. (Photo: Disney/ABC Television Group/flickr/cc)
It's official. Donald Trump is the Republican nominee for president.
Reactions abounded late Thursday after the (racist, xenophobic, Islamophobic, and misogynistic) real estate mogul accepted the party's nomination in a rambling, hour-and-fifteen-minute long speech.
Some noted the parallels to Richard Nixon's infamous 1968 "law and order" speech; others pointed out the fascist undertones of Trump's declaration that "I alone can fix this." Few were thrilled that former KKK grand wizard David Duke praised the speech on Twitter.
As The Nation's John Nichols said Thursday night, the speech ultimately signaled Trump's "determination to exploit fears of violence as part of crusade to seize the White House from the Democrats."
Nichols wrote:
Richard Nixon accepted the Republican nomination for president on a Thursday night in the long hot summer of 1968 with a speech that signaled his determination to exploit fears of violence as part of crusade to seize the White House from the Democrats.
[....] The permissive '60s would end, Nixon argued, with the transition of power from a Democratic administration to a Republican who was prepared to crack down on violence.
"Tonight, it is time for some honest talk about the problem of order in the United States," declared Nixon in 1968.
"It is finally time for a straightforward assessment of the state of our nation," declared Trump in 2016.
"The most basic duty of government is to defend the lives of its own citizens. Any government that fails to do so is a government unworthy to lead," Trump told Republican delegates in 2016.
"When the nation with the greatest tradition of the rule of law is plagued by unprecedented lawlessness…then it's time for new leadership for the United States of America," Nixon told Republican delegates in 1968.
Trevor Timm made similar comparisons. In a column for the Guardian on Friday, he wrote:
The parallels with a man who presided over another era in which there were widespread allegations of police brutality and killings of unarmed African Americans seem compelling.
But if you take a detailed look back at Nixon's 1968 campaign for president, the analogy runs much deeper than his not-so-coded language attacking racial minorities. As each day passes, Trump's success looks more and more similar to Nixon's rise to power.
But the alarm bells did not stop with Nixon comparisons. On Twitter, prominent activist and Black Lives Matter co-founder Alicia Garza said, "I don't know what I'm watching right now but I imagine this is the kind of speech Hitler would make."
"When Trump says law and order what he means is shut down #BlackLivesMatter," she tweeted. "He meant law and order for whites, martial law for everyone else."
At The Root, Danielle C. Belton summed up:
Trump said, "[O]ur plan will put America first. Americanism, not globalism, will be our credo."
Mmm, nationalism. That's never caused any problems. I hate to bring up the "F" word, but what a fascist thing to say, future "Dear Leader."
Black Lives Matter co-founder Patrisse Cullors said in a statement issued Thursday, "The terrorist on our televisions tonight was Donald Trump. He pledged to fight for Americans, while threatening the vast majority of this country with imprisonment, deportation and a culture of abject fear. His doublespeak belies his true nature: a charlatan who will embolden racists and destroy communities of color. He is a disgrace. White people of conscience must forcefully reject this hatred immediately."
Yet while the speech seemed "self-evidently absurd to liberal listeners," writes Richard Eskow of Campaign for America's Future, "it's likely to resonate very well among the white, largely male demographic his campaign has targeted."
Eskow noted the rhetorical trajectory of the speech, which "suddenly pivoted from real-world complaints" like poverty, unemployment, and crumbling infrastructure to "something much more abstract—and nationalistic," something that would appeal to his "decimated" base that is "desperate and frightened and looking for answers." Eskow wrote:
Trump spoke to their economic injuries in classic authoritarian style:
"Not only have our citizens endured domestic disaster, but they have lived through one international humiliation after another. One after another! We all remember the images of our sailors being forced to their knees by their Iranian captors at gunpoint."
For Trump, the sexualized image of humiliation—"to their knees"—is surely no accident. (Remember this?) Weimar Republic comparisons may come too cheaply, but this marriage of economic anxiety and national humiliation is strikingly reminiscent of someone else's rhetoric—and I think you know who I mean.
That's what makes Trump's core message—putting "America First"—so dangerous, Eskow says.
"At the mention of this phrase," Eskow writes, "born of anti-Semitism and unwillingness to fight Hitler's Germany, the crowd erupted in wild cheers: USA! USA!"
imo, that's a narrow point of view, but whatever. voting is allowed and encouraged. if it's important to you, do it.A Trump presidency would pose an unimaginable danger to the people of this country.


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