JackRiddler » Tue Aug 13, 2019 1:39 pm wrote:Your thoughts?
PufPuf93 » Tue Aug 13, 2019 4:16 pm wrote:
IMO far more likely that Epstein is a Mossad asset.
If proven, a strong Mossad-Epstein connection would be
Black Cube Israeli Intelligence
On the new @gaslitnation, 34 minutes in, we discuss the Epstein case, the allegations of child rape against Trump, Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell and her father Robert's relationship to the Mossad, and their connections to the Russian mafia
https://twitter.com/sarahkendzior/statu ... 9459578881
Black Cube, a brutal private group of Israeli operatives drawn largely from Mossad, has been working with the Trump camp to target former US officials involved in the Iran deal (when not working for predators like Harvey Weinstein)
https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.newyor ... icials/amp
Months Ago Attorney General Barr Called BOP Staff Shortages that Led to Whitey Bulger Murder "a SNAFU"
AG Barr Calls Prison Staffing Shortages a SNAFU
AUGUST 13, 2019 Four months before the death of Jeffrey Epstein in BOP custody, Attorney General Barr called conditions that led to Whitey Bulger murder "a SNAFU."
https://www.c-span.org/video/?c4812719/ ... ages-snafu
Mobster murdered within hours of arriving at Hazelton prison
https://www.wvnews.com/prestoncountynew ... 6104a.html
Damning Investigation Finds Jeffrey Epstein Left Unsupervised For Decades Prior To Suicide
Illustration for article titled Damning Investigation Finds Jeffrey Epstein Left Unsupervised For Decades Prior To Suicide
NEW YORK—Calling the oversight a complete failure of the system on every level, Department of Justice officials told reporters Tuesday that a damning investigation had revealed that billionaire and accused sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein had been left unsupervised for decades prior to his suicide. “This high-risk criminal should never have been left alone for any long period of time from the 1990s up until his death,” said U.S. Attorney General William Barr, expressing his complete shock in discovering that the convicted pedophile was not being checked in on every half hour for the last 30 years. “We do have records saying that his actions were being monitored very briefly in 2008, but it obviously wasn’t enough. Unfortunately, due to this breakdown of justice, we were unable to prevent what Mr. Epstein did for the past several decades.” Barr then vowed to follow proper Department of Justice protocol by continuing this investigation until his team found out exactly who they could lay all the responsibility on for the negligence.
https://www.theonion.com/damning-invest ... 1837208732
Wombaticus Rex » Tue Aug 13, 2019 4:20 pm wrote:PufPuf93 » Tue Aug 13, 2019 4:16 pm wrote:
IMO far more likely that Epstein is a Mossad asset.
If proven, a strong Mossad-Epstein connection would be
https://www.mintpressnews.com/mega-grou ... al/261172/
Hidden in Plain Sight: The Shocking Origins of the Jeffrey Epstein Case
Epstein is only the latest incarnation of a much older, more extensive and sophisticated operation that offers a frightening window into how deeply tied the U.S. government is to the modern-day equivalents of organized crime.
https://www.mintpressnews.com/shocking- ... hn/260621/
kelley » Tue Aug 13, 2019 5:21 pm wrote:'facilitated payments'
let's briefly look to Elliot Broidy as an example which may shed light here
Amazing report on 1MDB - theft of billions of $ from Malaysian people by network that included ex-prime minister, his son, Jho Low, Saudis, UAE, Swiss banks & others
Elliott Broidy was offered millions to deter the WH & judges from prosecuting DOJ case
https://pbs.twimg.com/card_img/11122478 ... me=600x314
Federal Authorities Raided Trump Fundraiser’s Office in Money Laundering Probe
A sealed search warrant obtained by ProPublica shows federal agents scoured Elliott Broidy’s office for documents related to China, Saudi Arabia and a Miami Beach club promoter.
https://www.propublica.org/article/fede ... ring-probe
Saudi intel official who reportedly may be scapegoated for Khashoggi murder previously identified as client for Elliott Broidy’s Circinus
Kenneth P. Vogel
SCOOP: The government of the United Arab Emirates paid millions of dollars to GEORGE NADER while he was working with TRUMP fundraiser ELLIOTT BROIDY to (1) shape TRUMP’s Middle East policy & (2) win hundreds of millions of dollars worth of UAE contracts.
Kenneth P. Vogel
GEORGE NADER received $5M from the U.A.E. days before a @HudsonInstitute conference he & ELLIOTT BROIDY helped plan & fund to marginalize QATAR.
Nader’s lawyer says the U.A.E. payments were totally unrelated to the conference or other anti-Qatar advocacy.
Bank records show GEORGE NADER received another $5M from the U.A.E. in Nov. 2018.
That was months after he began cooperating with MUELLER's inquiry into whether U.A.E. $$$ was funneled into TRUMP’s operation, per @ddknyt @MarkMazzettiNYT & @adamgoldmanNYT.
WHY IT MATTERS: Prosecutors are examining the financial connections between ELLIOTT BROIDY, GEORGE NADER & the U.A.E. as they investigate whether Broidy’s anti-Qatar advocacy campaign in Washington may have violated the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
Among those whose speaking fees were paid by BROIDY as part of his anti-Qatar campaign:
• BOB GATES*: $100k
• STEVE BANNON: $100k
• DAVID PETRAEUS*: $50k
*Gates & Petraeus said they didn’t know Broidy footed the bill, tho their contracts required them to meet privately w/ him.
How a Trump Ally Tested the Boundaries of Washington’s Influence Game
Aug 13, 2019
Elliott Broidy in 2008. Mr. Broidy, a fund-raiser for President Trump, is the subject of intensifying scrutiny by federal prosecutors.
Elliott Broidy in 2008. Mr. Broidy, a fund-raiser for President Trump, is the subject of intensifying scrutiny by federal prosecutors.David Karp/Associated Press
WASHINGTON — Elliott Broidy had the kind of past that might have given a more traditional White House reason to keep him at a distance: A wealthy businessman, he had pleaded guilty in 2009 to giving nearly $1 million in illegal gifts to New York State officials to help land a $250 million investment from the state’s pension fund.
But on a fall day in 2017, Mr. Broidy was ushered into the West Wing. For about two hours, he met with a handful of the most powerful people on earth, including President Trump, his chief of staff, his national security adviser and Jared Kushner, his son-in-law, discussing everything from personnel recommendations to the Republican Party’s finances.
Mostly, though, according to a detailed account he later sent to an associate, Mr. Broidy talked about the Middle East, a subject that had long been important to him personally and was becoming increasingly important to him financially.
As he sat with Mr. Trump, Mr. Broidy promoted a plan for a counterterrorism force backed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which he said would be supported by his private security and intelligence company, Circinus, under the leadership of Stanley A. McChrystal, the retired Army general and former commander in Afghanistan.
And at a time when Mr. Broidy was running a multimillion-dollar advocacy campaign to turn Washington against Qatar, a regional rival of the Saudis and the Emiratis, he took the opportunity to tell Mr. Trump that Qatar was part of an “axis of evil,” according to his account of the meeting.
That meeting was one of the high points of a comeback by Mr. Broidy, who after having been shunned by some Republicans in the wake of his 2009 guilty plea had worked himself into Mr. Trump’s inner circle as a top fund-raiser for his 2016 campaign and inauguration.
The stature he suddenly assumed when Mr. Trump won the election allowed him to position himself as a premier broker of influence and access to the new administration. In the process, his international business came to overlap with his efforts to influence government policy in ways that have now made him the subject of an intensifying federal investigation.
But Mr. Broidy’s tour through the White House that day was also further evidence of how Mr. Trump — who initially lacked an established network of high-dollar fund-raisers, held unformed positions on many issues and had difficulty attracting top-tier talent — came to rely on people whose backgrounds and activities would have raised red flags in other campaigns and administrations.
Among them were Paul Manafort, who was the chairman of Mr. Trump’s campaign and was later indicted for lobbying and financial crimes, and Mr. Manafort’s deputy, Rick Gates, who also helped run Mr. Trump’s inauguration. Prosecutors are still investigating whether the chairman of the inaugural committee and a close friend of the president, Thomas J. Barrack Jr., violated lobbying laws.
Few figures exploited the moment more ambitiously than Mr. Broidy, whose Oval Office meeting was just one element of a sophisticated effort to amass and exert influence in Mr. Trump’s Washington.
Bolstering his own access to the administration, Mr. Broidy enlisted a host of prominent figures to advance the interests of his companies, his clients or his causes. In addition to General McChrystal, there was the former Trump adviser Stephen K. Bannon; former defense secretaries including Robert M. Gates and Leon E. Panetta; David H. Petraeus, the former C.I.A. director; and the longtime diplomat Dennis B. Ross. They gave paid speeches to groups he was funding, wrote op-eds or advised Mr. Broidy, wittingly or unwittingly becoming public faces of his efforts.
While Mr. Broidy seemed to find a sympathetic audience for his positions in the upper reaches of the administration, including his campaign against Qatar, other efforts appeared to yield little action, like an arrangement to help a Malaysian financier with legal problems in the United States. And some of Mr. Broidy’s proposals, like his plan to help set up the counterterrorism force in the Persian Gulf, went nowhere.
Stanley A. McChrystal, the retired Army general, accompanied Mr. Broidy and his team on a trip to the Middle East.
Stanley A. McChrystal, the retired Army general, accompanied Mr. Broidy and his team on a trip to the Middle East.Steven Senne/Associated Press
The Justice Department has been investigating, among other issues, whether Mr. Broidy violated the law by not registering as an agent of foreign interests at a time when he was promoting their causes and being paid by them, and whether, in one case, he was paid with laundered money to lobby. The Foreign Agents Registration Act, or FARA, requires Americans to disclose efforts to shape government policy or public opinion on behalf of foreign governments and political interests. Enforcing FARA has become an increasing priority for the Justice Department.
While Mr. Broidy’s advocacy efforts could have benefited his paying clients, his representatives say the efforts were not directed or funded by those clients in a way that would require FARA registration.
“Elliott Broidy has never agreed to work for, been retained or compensated by, nor taken direction from any foreign government directly or indirectly for any interaction with the United States government, ever,” said his lawyer, Chris Clark. “Any implication to the contrary is a lie.”
But the full scope and intensity of Mr. Broidy’s activities, and the investigations into them, are only now coming into focus. Interviews and records show that:
• Federal investigators are homing in on the question of whether his involvement with the government of the United Arab Emirates and the Malaysian financier may have run afoul of FARA.
• Investigators are exploring the financial links between Mr. Broidy, the government of the United Arab Emirates and one of that government’s advisers, George Nader. According to previously unreported banking records, Mr. Nader was paid millions of dollars by the United Arab Emirates as he was working closely with Mr. Broidy on two fronts: to win security and intelligence contracts from the Emirate and Saudi governments, and to direct and fund the campaign in Washington against Qatar.
• Other banking records show that the government of the United Arab Emirates continued to pay Mr. Broidy’s company tens of millions of dollars, including a payment of $24 million in late March, even as it became public that prosecutors were looking into his activities.
• Officials from one country with which Mr. Broidy has worked, Angola, say they believed his company was being paid to lobby on their behalf, rather than to provide private intelligence services, as Mr. Broidy’s representatives say.
• His efforts to help his clients in Washington were more extensive than previously known. They involved not just prominent political figures but also payments to influential think tanks, lobbyists and a nonprofit conservative media outlet that produced articles promoting his clients’ agendas and criticizing their rivals.
Four people Mr. Broidy worked with on business or advocacy efforts have been indicted. He resigned as deputy finance chairman of the Republican National Committee last year after it was revealed he had agreed to pay $1.6 million in hush money to a former Playboy model he impregnated, in a deal arranged by Michael D. Cohen, the president’s former lawyer.
Business Was Good, and Then It Wasn’t
Mr. Broidy’s current situation is a sharp turnabout from two and a half years ago, when he helped raise a record $107 million for Mr. Trump’s inauguration. He offered to arrange inaugural tickets for politicians from Angola, the Republic of Congo and Romania — countries from which he sought intelligence contracts worth as much as $266 million, documents and interviews show.
He greatly increased his giving to Republicans. He socialized with Mr. Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort, where he was a member.
Business was good. Mr. Broidy’s company won deals worth more than $200 million from the United Arab Emirates alone. The company established an office there that employs 60 people who compile intelligence reports for the U.A.E. government.
After The New York Times, The Associated Press and other news media outlets revealed last year that he had marketed his access to the Trump team to prospective foreign clients, his company lost lucrative United States government subcontracts. Members of Congress returned donations, as did the Hudson Institute, a think tank, which returned funding for a research project on Qatari influence. Mr. Ross returned $20,000 in consulting fees he had accepted in early 2018, when he was advising Mr. Broidy on how to pursue contracts with foreign governments and how to shape American foreign policy toward those governments.
Mr. Broidy offered inaugural tickets to politicians from Angola, the Republic of Congo and Romania — countries from which he was seeking defense intelligence contracts worth as much as $266 million.Todd Heisler/The New York Times
“There was a cloud that was created, and it made sense just to dissociate,” said Mr. Ross, who worked on Middle Eastern policy for administrations of both parties.
Some of the activities of Mr. Broidy and his associates are detailed in hundreds of documents and emails from the private accounts of Mr. Broidy and his wife, which were distributed to reporters anonymously starting in early 2018. Mr. Broidy sued Qatar and some of its lobbyists, accusing them of orchestrating the theft and dissemination of those documents, which Qatar denies.
Mr. Broidy’s spokesman, Nathan Miller, said those documents “have been altered and cherry-picked out of context to present a false narrative about his business activities and public educational efforts that were entirely legitimate and legal.”
But this account also relies on dozens of interviews, banking records provided by people familiar with Mr. Broidy’s work and other documents submitted in court cases or obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.
“He was certainly trying to influence the administration to adopt a policy that served his political preference,” Mr. Ross said in a July interview with The Times about his work with Mr. Broidy, some of which was subsequently reported by The Daily Beast. “Was he doing it because it would serve his business interests as well? Presumably yes.”
From Guilty Plea to Trump Fund-Raiser
Mr. Broidy, 62, made his own fortune. He grew up middle class in Los Angeles, and paid his way through the University of Southern California by operating a laundromat. After earning a bachelor’s degree in accounting and finance, he went to work for an accounting firm, before he was hired to handle the personal investments of one of the firm’s clients, Taco Bell’s founder, Glen Bell Jr., in the early 1980s.
After about a decade, Mr. Broidy started his own investment firm, Broidy Capital Management. He built a mansion in the hills of Bel Air and established a reputation as a generous philanthropist and pillar of Los Angeles’s Jewish community.
He assembled a large wine collection and indulged a fondness for expensive wristwatches, according to people who know him. They said he boasted that he was among the biggest private buyers of a type of 25-year-old whisky that retails for $1,800 a bottle.
After the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Mr. Broidy’s political and business focus turned toward national security in the United States and Israel.
In 2006, he was appointed by President George W. Bush, for whom Mr. Broidy had become a top fund-raiser, to a homeland security advisory panel and the Kennedy Center board of trustees. In October 2006, Mr. Bush attended a dinner at the Bel Air mansion that raised $1 million for the Republican Party.
Weeks later, Mr. Broidy and his wife, Robin Rosenzweig, were on the guest list for a White House reception for the Kennedy Center Honors.
After his 2009 guilty plea in the New York State pension fund case, which a court later reduced from a felony to a misdemeanor, Mr. Broidy retreated from the spotlight. Politicians whose campaigns he once funded turned their backs on him.
But his business ventures continued. He helped start a national security nonprofit group and a cyberdefense contracting company called Threat Deterrence, then purchased Circinus in 2015. Started after the 2001 terrorist attacks, Circinus says it provides cybersecurity, “force protection and operational training,” and open source intelligence services to governments.
Some of the activities of Mr. Broidy and his associates have come to light through the circulation of documents and emails from the private accounts of Mr. Broidy and his wife, Robin Rosenzweig.Alex Berliner/BEI, via Shutterstock
As the 2016 presidential campaign got underway, Mr. Broidy edged back into high-profile electoral politics, supporting a succession of senators seeking the Republican nomination, including Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Marco Rubio of Florida and Ted Cruz of Texas.
When Mr. Cruz dropped out, Mr. Broidy enthusiastically began raising money for the Trump campaign.
On Top of the World at the Inaugural
In the weeks before Mr. Trump’s inauguration, Mr. Broidy was in the center of the action.
He helped organize and fund a private breakfast at the Trump International Hotel two days before the inauguration that was attended by 50 to 60 people, according to people familiar with the event.
The guest list featured officials from Africa, Eastern Europe and Arab nations, as well as Republicans with ties to the incoming administration, including Mr. Trump’s choice for national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn.
Mr. Broidy teamed with a Nigerian-American entrepreneur to pursue an intelligence contract with the Angolan government. An early draft of the deal called for payments of as much as $64 million over five years, but someone familiar with it said the final contract was for a smaller amount.
He offered to arrange access in Washington for a pair of powerful Angolan officials who had a hand in the contract.
Days before the inauguration, the Angolans paid $6 million to Circinus. And Mr. Broidy escorted an Angolan official, André de Oliveira João Sango, then the director of external intelligence, to introductory meetings with Republican lawmakers.
A couple of days later, Mr. Sango sat at a table adjacent to Mr. Broidy’s at an exclusive “candlelight” donor dinner sponsored by Mr. Trump’s inaugural committee and attended by the president-elect, according to another Angolan official.
While Mr. Broidy’s representatives say he was not required to register as a lobbyist because he did not accept funds for lobbying, Angolan diplomats in Washington saw things differently.
“It was basically to help assist in approaching the Trump administration,” Lucombo Joaquim Luveia, a counselor at the embassy, said of the payment to Circinus.
The Angolan ambassador at the time, Agostinho Tavares, said his impression was that Mr. Broidy “sold the invitation” to the inaugural to Mr. Sango.
Mr. Luveia said that “all those arrangements were back-channeled between the lobbyist Broidy and the central government, at the presidential level.” The Angolan president at the time, José Eduardo dos Santos, was replaced last year.
Mr. Broidy also provided access during inauguration week to a pair of Romanian politicians seen as critical to Circinus’s chances for doing business in the country. Mr. Broidy arranged an impromptu introduction to Mr. Trump during an informal dinner at the Trump hotel for Liviu Dragnea, then a powerful Romanian parliamentary leader.
George Nader presented himself as a liaison to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, center, the de facto ruler of the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, right.via Shutterstock
Circinus subsequently competed for Romanian government contracts valued at more than $200 million, according to the Romanian news media and people familiar with the contracting process. But the contracts did not materialize. Mr. Dragnea, who was facing unrelated corruption charges in Romania at the time of the inauguration, has since been convicted. And Romanian and American officials have questioned a former Circinus executive in Romania.
Hours after Mr. Trump’s swearing-in, Mr. Broidy was abuzz as he and his wife, holding hands, walked into a late-night party in a private room at the Trump hotel.
He approached a fellow Republican donor and, in a move the donor interpreted as an early flexing of new status, Mr. Broidy suggested it was time to settle a lingering business dispute between them.
“He was exuding hubris,” said the donor, Yuri Vanetik, a characterization disputed by Mr. Broidy’s representatives. “He wanted to show that it was his world now.”
A Flurry of Deal Discussions
Through the transition and the early days of the administration, Mr. Broidy entertained discussions about using his newfound connections in Washington to help an array of foreign clients.
After being approached by a lawyer working with Russian executives who were under sanctions, Mr. Broidy devised a plan to try to lift the sanctions in exchange for $11 million — a deal that ultimately was not pursued.
Separately, Mr. Broidy discussed helping to end a Justice Department investigation into a flamboyant Malaysian financier who was suspected of embezzling billions of dollars from a Malaysian investment fund.
The financier, Low Taek Jho, known as Jho Low, transferred $6 million to the law firm of Mr. Broidy’s wife, Ms. Rosenzweig, to finance the effort, according to a guilty plea for bank fraud by a former Justice Department employee in a related case.
Allies of Mr. Low also talked with Mr. Broidy about using his connections to force the extradition of a Chinese dissident living in the United States, according to the court filings.
Mr. Broidy’s lawyers said their client never discussed assisting Mr. Low in any criminal matters and never lobbied to resolve the civil issues facing the financier.
A Key Partnership
Mr. Trump took office signaling a new approach to the Middle East, setting off a scramble by governments in the region to assure that their voices would be heard by the new administration. A key figure in Mr. Broidy’s activities was Mr. Nader.
An American citizen born in Lebanon, Mr. Nader, 60, entered Mr. Broidy’s life at a fortuitous moment for both men and for Mr. Nader’s patrons — primarily Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, the de facto ruler of the United Arab Emirates, though Mr. Nader also presented himself as a liaison to Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman.
To the princes, whose countries are closely allied, Mr. Broidy was a perfect messenger to try to turn the new American administration against Qatar.
Rick Gates, the former deputy chairman of the Trump campaign, is one of a number of Trump aides to have run into legal problems.Erin Schaff for The New York Times
And to Mr. Broidy, Mr. Nader was a perfect messenger to pitch Circinus’s services to the wealthy governments of the Emirates and Saudi Arabia.
Not long after meeting at the Trump hotel during inauguration week, Mr. Broidy and Mr. Nader were exchanging messages about Circinus’s efforts to win hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of defense contracts with the Persian Gulf nations, and discussing the anti-Qatar campaign, according to documents and interviews.
Mr. Nader wired Mr. Broidy $2.4 million in three installments, starting less than three months after the inauguration, for the anti-Qatar public policy effort. Mr. Broidy contributed his own money, according to people familiar with the campaign. They said other donors contributed as well.
Mr. Broidy donated to two Washington think tanks — the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and the Hudson Institute — to fund conferences he intended to be critical of Qatar. Featured speakers included the former defense secretaries Mr. Panetta and Mr. Gates, as well as Mr. Bannon and Mr. Petraeus.
Mr. Gates and Mr. Bannon were paid about $100,000 each, while Mr. Petraeus was paid $50,000, according to interviews and contracts, which stipulated that Mr. Gates and Mr. Petraeus would meet privately with Mr. Broidy on the sidelines of the conference. The think tanks paid the speakers and were reimbursed by Mr. Broidy. Mr. Nader helped arrange Mr. Bannon’s appearance, The Daily Beast reported.
Mr. Broidy assured the think tanks that he was using only his own money and that it was not from foreign sources, according to people familiar with the conferences, who said he did not disclose that he was simultaneously pursuing business in the region.
But updates sent by Mr. Broidy to Mr. Nader list Circinus as the entity overseeing the advocacy campaign, which included plans for the conferences, op-eds, articles and congressional and media outreach, including to the Fox News host Sean Hannity, a favorite of Mr. Trump.
One update lists the Emirati and Saudi governments as the “clients” of the campaign, and a senior Saudi general, Maj. Gen. Ahmed al-Assiri, who would later be blamed by his country’s leadership for the killing of the journalist Jamal Khashoggi, as a consultant. Mr. Broidy’s lawyers say that the updates were early drafts and that references to the involvement of Circinus and the Saudi and Emirati governments were errors that were corrected in subsequent drafts.
Banking records obtained by The Times show that, months after the first think-tank conference, and days before the second, Mr. Nader received the first of two payments of about $5 million worth of Emirati currency from an entity controlled by the government of the United Arab Emirates.
“Any payments by the U.A.E. to Mr. Nader had absolutely nothing to do with the conferences or the broader educational initiative,” said Tim McCarten, a lawyer with the firm Latham & Watkins, who represents both Mr. Nader and Mr. Broidy. Mr. McCarten declined to specify the purpose of the payments.
The second $5 million payment came months after Mr. Nader began cooperating with prosecutors looking into whether Emirati money was funneled into Mr. Trump’s political operation.
The Justice Department has asked witnesses about the funding of the anti-Qatar campaign, as well as whether foreign money flowed into Mr. Trump’s inaugural.
In April, federal prosecutors in Brooklyn issued a subpoena for documents from the inaugural committee naming Mr. Broidy and companies with which he is associated, as well as Mr. Nader. Among others named were Mr. Dragnea, the Angolan politician Mr. Sango and Angola’s current president, João Lourenço. Mr. Lourenço previously served as the head of the Angolan Defense Ministry, and was also invited by Mr. Broidy to attend the inauguration, but did not go, according to the Angolan diplomats.
Leon E. Panetta, a former defense secretary, is among the prominent figures Mr. Broidy enlisted to advance the interests of his companies, his clients or his causes.Damon Winter/The New York Times
Mr. Nader was charged in June with possession of child pornography, to which he has pleaded not guilty.
Putting Washington to Work
The direct impact of the anti-Qatar advocacy campaign is not clear. It coincided with Mr. Trump’s public criticism of Qatar, and his expression of support for Qatar’s rivals, the Emiratis and the Saudis, though his administration attempted to walk back some of the criticism.
Mr. Broidy paid $10,000 a month to a Democratic firm, Bluelight Strategies, which worked to harness the center-left to press the administration to be tough on Qatar, according to emails and interviews.
Mr. Broidy gave $25,000 to a nonprofit group called the Jewish Institute for National Security of America to write op-eds and host news conferences criticizing Qatar, including with a retired Air Force general, Charles F. Wald.
Another nonprofit listed by Mr. Broidy as part of the advocacy campaign, the American Media Institute, received $240,000 from Mr. Broidy in 2017, according to its tax returns. Mr. Broidy and his allies were in close contact with the group’s staff as it produced articles and op-eds that advanced the interests of his clients and prospective clients, including the government of Malaysia, while criticizing their rivals, including Qatar and the Chinese dissident.
Richard Miniter, the institute’s chief executive, said its decisions were based on news judgment, rather than Mr. Broidy’s wishes. “We get tons of ideas from both donors and nondonors, but there were no conditions on the grant to do those stories,” he said.
Mr. Miniter said he was unaware before being alerted by The Times of overlap between Mr. Broidy’s business and the subjects he wanted covered.
In correspondence around the time of the Hudson Institute conference, Mr. Broidy cited Mr. Panetta and General Wald — as well as General McChrystal — as members of Circinus’s team.
The men or their representatives say those claims were exaggerated or false.
General McChrystal acknowledged that he accompanied Mr. Broidy and his team on a trip to the Middle East, where they met with Prince Mohammed bin Zayed in the summer of 2017.
The trip came after Mr. McChrystal was offered $100,000 by Mr. Broidy, according to documents and interviews.
When Mr. Broidy later dropped the general’s name in the Oval Office, Mr. Trump interjected to say that “he thinks highly of General McChrystal,” according to Mr. Broidy’s readout.
Mr. McChrystal said he accompanied Mr. Broidy to the United Arab Emirates because it seemed as if his company was pursuing worthwhile work. But he said he declined a subsequent offer for a leadership role in the company because “it didn’t fit into my time or my interests to do any more.”
Mr. Panetta’s office said he “is not and has never been involved in” Mr. Broidy’s business.
General Wald said he turned down Mr. Broidy’s invitation to join Circinus because he felt the company’s work was “mercenary,” and because of concerns about Mr. Broidy.
“Broidy is playing for both political and financial reasons,” he said, “and it’s hard to figure out which one he is interested in mostly.”
David D. Kirkpatrick contributed reporting from London, and Declan Walsh from Cairo.
seemslikeadream » Sun Aug 11, 2019 11:10 am wrote:Accused pedophile George Nader helped Steve Bannon secure a $100,000 speaking gig from a prestigious Washington think tank, according to emails reviewed by The Daily Beast.Accused Sex Trafficker Steered $100K Payday to Bannon
Emails show that the indicted operative George Nader and the one-time White House strategist Steve Bannon had a closer connection than previously understood.
Updated 08.11.19 10:34AM ET / Published 08.11.19 5:30AM ET
An accused pedophile helped Steve Bannon secure a $100,000 speaking gig from a prestigious Washington think tank, according to emails reviewed by The Daily Beast. The emails—between Republican fundraiser and investor Elliott Broidy and Lebanese-American political operative George Nader—shed light on the relationship between Trump’s ex-adviser and a man now in jail awaiting trial on child sex trafficking charges.
The emails point to a closer relationship between Bannon and Nader than previously known. It’s been widely reported that Nader met with Bannon in the White House during his time as a Trump adviser there. But these emails show they stayed in contact after Bannon left government, and that Nader helped the ex-Breitbart chief secure an appearance with a six-figure payday. A Bannon spokesperson, meanwhile, said Nader was “irrelevant” to Bannon’s speech.
Nader’s work drew the attention of Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who questioned him extensively as part of his probe into foreign meddling in the 2016 presidential race. But Mueller wasn’t the only federal prosecutor interested in Nader. On June 3 of this year, he was arrested at John F. Kennedy International Airport in New York and charged with possessing child pornography. And just last month, the feds rolled out additional charges for child sex trafficking. Nader is in jail awaiting trial, and has pleaded not guilty.
Broidy, meanwhile, also appears to have drawn attention from the feds: The Daily Beast confirmed in April that one of his former associates has spoken with FBI agents about his business dealings.
The emails between Nader and Broidy, sent in September and October 2017, involve arrangements for a conference on Qatar hosted by the Hudson Institute. Broidy, then seeking business from the government of the United Arab Emirates, was running a quiet public relations campaign designed to undermine the Qatari government’s influence in Washington and with American Jewish leaders. He was particularly incensed that Nick Muzin, a former staffer to Sen. Ted Cruz with deep ties to Jewish leaders, had signed on to lobby for the government of Qatar. They’d run in the same tight-knit circle of Jewish Republicans and Broidy saw Muzin as a traitor. The country’s connections to Iran—with which it shares a huge gas field—have long angered many in the pro-Israel community. And its ownership of Al Jazeera also fuels opposition from many supporters of Israel.
“I want to Puke,” he wrote in an email to his wife on Sept. 6. “What a moron.”
“Is this guy a self-hating Jew or an idiot?” she replied. “What can you do?”
Just a few months earlier, the governments of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates started a blockade of Qatar. It was a bid to isolate the peninsular nation, which those governments blamed for funding terrorism. The Qataris kicked off a well-funded lobbying effort to tell their side of the story in Washington and stay in the Trump administration’s good graces. Muzin’s outreach to Jewish leaders—which Broidy sought to countervail—was part of the Qataris’ effort to shore up support.
As part of Broidy’s project, he helped arrange a conference to be held at the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank known for its foreign policy work. The conference, set for October of 2017, would make the case against Qatar.
In September, Broidy communicated with Nader—whom he had known since Trump’s inauguration—about those plans. And on Sept. 22, Nader emailed Broidy about getting Bannon involved [all punctuation sic].
“Hope all is going well with you and the Conference,” Nader wrote. “Send me please an update[.] Steve is interested in participating.”
Nader then shared Bannon’s email with Broidy.
“Send him pls a letter to brief him…on the conference, what you like him to do and when,” Nader continued. “You should get him key time and all by himself with proper guy to introduce him. Let me know what you have in mind!”
Two days later, Broidy sent Nader a curious email. It opened with the words “Dear Steve,” and then described the plans for the conference. “I would love to have you as one of the keynote speakers,” Broidy wrote in the email sent to Nader but addressed to Bannon. The email included a draft of the conference’s agenda. It appears Broidy wanted Nader to proof-read the invitation before it went to Bannon, who had left the White House in August 2017.
On Sept. 29, event organizers circulated a draft of a Save-the-Date invitation for the conference. Bannon’s name wasn’t on it.
“You need to add please Steve Bannon,” Nader wrote in an email to Broidy. “He is as important if not more to that invitation and kindly send me too a draft of the full program as is for now[.]”
Two weeks later, Bannon was in.
“Still working on many details,” Broidy wrote to Nader on Oct. 17. “Will get schedule to you when ready. Steve is on board, FYI $100k honorarium.”
Five days later, Broidy was still keeping Nader looped in on Bannon’s participation. He forwarded Nader an email he sent directly to Bannon that day. “I am very excited about your appearance at the conference tomorrow,” he wrote in the email to Bannon that he forwarded to Nader. “George asked me to resend some talking points. See you then.”
A person close to Bannon said that the two men got to know each other better after Bannon left the White House, and that Nader was one of many people who approached Bannon on behalf of event organizers about making speeches.
But a Bannon spokesperson discounted Nader’s role in Bannon’s speech.
“This is just one of many speaking requests Mr. Bannon receives,” the spokesperson said in a statement. “Hudson Institute is a highly respected think tank, and because of that, he accepted an invitation with others such as Sen. Cotton and Gen. Petraeus. George Nader was irrelevant; neither he nor anyone has influenced Mr. Bannon’s longtime position on the condemnation of Qatar as an urgent threat to Israel: a state sponsor of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, and other Islamic terror organizations.”
The conference went forward, largely as planned, and a source familiar with it confirmed that Bannon received the $100,000 payment. It featured a host of luminaries, including Gen. David Petraeus; Zalmay Khalilzad, who later became the State Department’s Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation; Democratic and Republican members of the House of Representatives; and Republican Sen. Tom Cotton. Bannon, in his speech, was characteristically bombastic and praised the blockade.
“I think the single most important thing that’s happening in the world is the situation in Qatar,” he said. “What’s happening in Qatar is every bit as important as what’s happening in North Korea.”
A lawyer for Nader declined to comment for this story. Spokespersons for Broidy and Bannon declined to comment as well.
The Hudson Institute stands by its work.
“Hudson has held countless panels and produced reports on the Middle East, including Qatar and the pernicious impact of the Muslim Brotherhood specifically,” said a statement the Institute shared with The Daily Beast. “We believe our criticisms and analysis of Qatar, Iran, and the Muslim Brotherhood are still valid.”
A source close to Hudson said Bannon’s honorarium was on par with what other main speakers received.
In an ironic twist, Bannon has since gotten to know Muzin—Broidy’s old nemesis—and discussed going into business with him. The Daily Beast reported earlier this year that Muzin pitched an executive at Juul, the e-cigarette company, on his lobbying services and said Bannon would be able to help out with his influence efforts. Juul didn’t take them up on the offer.
For Broidy and Nader, the weeks before the Hudson conference were a comparatively simple time. Two months after the event, hackers stole troves of emails Broidy had sent and received. The emails were fodder for a host of news stories about his business dealings and relationships with foreign government officials, including officials looking to influence Trumpworld. Many of Nader’s communications with Broidy have also become public since the hack. And numerous reports have revealed Nader’s work as a gatekeeper between Gulf dignitaries and denizens of Trumpworld. The emails The Daily Beast obtained indicate that, on at least one occasion, he also helped connect a Republican financier to Bannon.
Broidy has alleged in court that the Qatari government sponsored the hacks. The Qataris say the allegations are baseless, and the litigation is underway.
https://www.thedailybeast.com/accused-s ... 00k-payday
The Countless Israeli Connections to Mueller’s Probe of Trump and Russia
The Israel-lobbyists, Netanyahu cronies, psyops manipulators and well-connected oligarchs — could it all be just one big coincidence?
Chemi Shalev May 26, 2018 11:48 AM
FILE PHOTO: Elliott Broidy, left, with Benjamin Netanyahu, right, at a gala banquet held at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York, Feb. 27, 2008.
Government investigators raided the alleged sex trafficker's private island in the Virgin Islands Monday.
Epstein's cellmate at the Metropolitan Correctional Center posted bail last Friday, leaving Epstein alone in his cell the day before he died. Another source familiar with the investigation said it appears Epstein had been dead one to two hours before he was found.
There are at least two or three prison guards who have gotten defense attorneys, the source said.
Elvis » Tue Aug 13, 2019 6:48 pm wrote:A couple photos of the young Epstein, and a question about Donald Barr:
https://finance.yahoo.com/news/jeffrey- ... 22535.html
Is this proof Prince Andrew's Jeffrey Epstein girl WAS paraded at VIP parties?
Pictures appear to show alleged teen sex slave Virginia Roberts partying on yacht with Naomi Campbell in SAME clothes she wore in infamous Andy image
It is the photograph that has dogged Prince Andrew for years, as well as his disgraced former friend Jeffrey Epstein and the paedophile's alleged 'madam' Ghislaine Maxwell.
The prince grins broadly with his arm around the bare midriff of a 17-year-old girl, Virginia Roberts, who claims Epstein forced her into sex with a series of rich and powerful men.
Now, an uncanny series of photographs can be revealed showing how a girl, thought to be Miss Roberts, was paraded around glamorous parties by Epstein and Miss Maxwell, daughter of disgraced newspaper tycoon Robert Maxwell.
Infamous photo: Prince Andrew with his arm around Virginia Roberts at an Epstein party in London in 2001, and alleged 'madam' Ghislaine Maxwell
The teenager was flown to the south of France on Epstein's private jet and the images appear to show her at an exclusive event alongside celebrities such as supermodel Naomi Campbell and Italian businessman Flavio Briatore.
Astonishingly, in these deeply disturbing images, the girl appears to be wearing the same clothes as when she posed for the earlier photograph with Andrew – an off-white, strappy top which exposed her midriff and distinctive, multi-coloured trousers.
Miss Roberts has even described in legal documents how she attended the party in St Tropez to celebrate Miss Campbell's 31st birthday. A tranche of 2,000 pages was disclosed by the US courts released last week, and in them Miss Roberts said she 'met Naomi Campbell at a birthday party of hers on a yacht in the South of France'.
Someone behind Miss Maxwell (left) appears to have the same trousers and top as Miss Roberts, at Naomi Campbell's party in St Tropez, attended by Flavio Briatore (centre)
'She is a friend of Ghislaine's, but she was a real b**** to me,' Miss Roberts said. Later, the same document stated: 'I met famous friends of [Epstein's], such as Al Gore, Heidi Klum, and Naomi Campbell.'
Her lawyer Sigrid McCawley asked: 'When in 2001 did you go on a six-week trip with him?' Miss Roberts replied: 'I don't remember exactly when it was but, it's the one where we went to Tangier, Morocco, England... France.'
Miss Roberts wrote about another encounter with Miss Campbell – a year later – in a manuscript of her memoir, which was also included in the court documents. They all attended the grand opening of the Nikki Beach Club in St Tropez where Miss Campbell was hosting her birthday in 2002.
Out of her depth: Earlier that night, the blonde teenager, thought to be Miss Roberts, is photographed awkwardly looking around as the revellers wait to board the yacht. She is standing close to Miss Campbell, Briatore and Miss Maxwell, who is in a light-blue turtleneck
Describing that evening's party, Miss Roberts said Miss Campbell was wearing a Dolce & Gabbana bikini top and a miniskirt.
Miss Roberts writes: 'Ghislaine and Jeffrey kissed her cheeks and wished her a happy birthday and then I was introduced.' Later that night they went to the main birthday party where Miss Roberts was 'introduced to model after model and the rich men that followed around'.
Miss Roberts writes: 'It was a fun bash, the entire crowd sang 'Happy Birthday' to Naomi and by the time we got back in the car to retreat for the night I was giddy from drinking and dancing all evening.' After that party Miss Roberts claimed that Epstein told her to have sex with a wealthy American businessman.
She claimed that she performed a sex act on that businessman 'just to shut him up' and that it lasted for 'two horrible minutes'. By contrast, the photographs of the 2001 party show how a blonde teenager in the distinctive trousers appeared lost and completely out of her depth standing next to ex-Formula 1 driver Eddie Jordan and Miss Campbell's then boyfriend, Mr Briatore.
Uncanny: The partygoer is pictured again at the bash (right), which Epstein attended. In legal papers, Miss Roberts said she 'met Naomi Campbell at a birthday party of hers on a yacht in the South of France'. Brazilian footballer Ronaldo is also shown (centre left) and Irish businessman Eddie Jordan (left)
At the glamorous event, aboard a luxury yacht named 'Lady in Blue', the teenager was seen next to Mr Briatore – who was once a co-owner of Queens Park Rangers Football Club – amid a crush to get on.
Mr Briatore was wearing a velvet jacket and pink shirt and Miss Campbell is wearing a black leather jacket with her midriff exposed.
The girl who is thought to be Miss Roberts can be seen at the front of the image holding her hand to her face while Miss Maxwell, in a light blue turtle neck, is pushing past bodyguards to get on board.
In another image, the girl thought to be Miss Roberts is standing awkwardly holding several jackets, near a grey-haired man in a lilac polo shirt who appears to be Epstein. The images were taken on May 19 that year, two months after Miss Roberts claims she was flown to London where she met Andrew and had sex with him.
Teenager describes alleged Jeffrey Epstein encounter in police clip
Friendship: Epstein is pictured with his associate and one-time girlfriend Ghislaine Maxwell in 2005
A judge later threw out these allegations and ordered them to be struck from the record for being 'immaterial and impertinent'.
Prince Andrew has strenuously denied the allegations of 'impropriety with underage minors' as 'categorically untrue'. Miss Maxwell also denies any wrongdoing.
Miss Roberts has claimed that Epstein flew her all over the world and loaned her out to his wealthy friends for sex. A spokesman for Miss Campbell said she did not have a close friendship with Epstein or Miss Maxwell.
Although Epstein attended her birthday party, he was invited by Mr Briatore, Miss Campbell's then boyfriend, the spokesman added. In 2015, explaining Andrew's decision to breach royal convention and directly tackle allegations about his private life, an aide said: 'When there are lurid and deeply personal allegations made against you to a national newspaper that are directly linked to a civil case in which you are accused of having sexual relations with underage minors, the natural instinct is to come out and say it is not true.
'The duke did not want these claims to go uncontested. Commenting on a member of the Royal Family's private life or commenting an ongoing legal case goes against what the Palace would do typically.
'The default position is no comment but these are extraordinary circumstances and given the allegations... the decision was taken that it was time to issue a denial on the record.'
Drone video reveals close up details of Epstein's secretive island
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/articl ... rties.html
Corrections officers may have falsified reports they checked on Jeffrey Epstein
By Mola Lenghi CBS News August 13, 2019, 7:12 PM
Last Updated Aug 13, 2019 7:46 PM EDT
New York — Corrections officers may have falsified reports saying they checked on Jeffrey Epstein as required by protocol, according to a law enforcement source with knowledge of the investigation into Epstein's apparent suicide.
Multiple sources told CBS News that Epstein's cellmate at the Metropolitan Correctional Center posted bail last Friday, leaving Epstein alone in his cell the day before he died. Another source familiar with the investigation said it appears Epstein had been dead one to two hours before he was found.
Epstein, who was being held on sex-trafficking charges, was taken off suicide watch about one week after an apparent attempt to hang himself on July 23.
At least one temporary employee at the detention center was on watch Friday night into Saturday morning, multiple sources said. The replacement employee was not part of the regular detail assigned to Epstein's special housing unit.
A representative for staffers at the Metropolitan Correctional Center said work conditions at the facility have been inadequate for nearly two years. Corrections officers have long complained about being overworked with 60-plus hour work weeks and mandatory overtime.
The Department of Justice announced Tuesday that the warden of the federal jail will be reassigned and two prison staffers were placed on administrative leave.
The FBI has begun reaching out to begin the process of interviewing officers and staff at the Manhattan detention center as part of its investigation into Epstein's death, a source familiar with the matter said. There are at least two or three prison guards who have gotten defense attorneys, the source said.
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/jeffrey-ep ... 019-08-13/
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