Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Fri Sep 28, 2018 11:55 am

Polish globe-trotter blunders into Indonesia-Papua conflict

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JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) — To the Indonesian government, the 39-year-old factory worker and globe-trotting Polish traveler is a danger to the state, a man who plotted with shadowy gunmen to foment revolt in isolated eastern jungles.

But to his supporters, Jakub Skrzypski is just an idealistic tourist with no money to his name, a man with an oddball combination of sympathies for right-wing and liberation causes. Even Indonesian police say it’s unlikely Skrzypski could have arranged the arms deal they say he promised to make with rebels.

But Skrzypski, who is charged with treason, still faces up to 20 years in prison if he’s found guilty. His detention was extended by 40 days on Sept. 17 as police prepare their case against him.

He was arrested in Wamena in Papua province in late August along with four Papuans who police said had ammunition and described as linked to “armed criminal groups” — the authorities’ usual description of Papuan independence fighters.

“The true jungle is in Papua, and I’ve been there, among lizards, mosquitoes, leeches” and other stuff, Skrzypski wrote on Facebook while on the second of back-to-back trips to the region in July and August.

The case highlights Indonesia’s extreme sensitivity about the low-level but long-running insurgency in the Papua region, which occupies the western half of the island of New Guinea. Though most nations recognize Indonesia’s sovereignty over the territory, the Papuan independence movement has vocal sympathizers in numerous Pacific island and Western countries.

Indonesia annexed the Dutch-controlled half of the island in 1963 when the Netherlands was preparing indigenous Papuans for self-rule. Decades later, though, large areas of the mountainous jungle territory still remain outside of Jakarta’s control. Police and military personnel are frequently attacked and killed by rebels, while Indonesian security forces have been accused of dozens of unlawful killings in the past decade, including targeted slayings of political activists.

Police say Skrzypski had been in contact for a “long time” with Papuan independence supporters and separatist fighters. They say he planned to publicize their cause on social media and promised to help supply them with weapons.

“We have strong evidence that he was guilty in helping the armed criminal group in Papua,” said the province’s police chief, Martuani Sormin. “No one should disturb the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, whether he is a foreigner or local. Anyone who violates the law in this country must be dealt with.”

But evidence of an actual plot against the Indonesian state appears flimsy.

Photos police cited of Skrzypski with guns were taken at a recreational shooting range in Switzerland, where he has lived since 2008, said his Indonesian lawyer, Latifah Anum Siregar, and a Polish friend, Artur Sobiela.

Siregar said Skrzypski denies any wrongdoing. The case against him is “very weak,” she said.

Civil society organizations have also protested his arrest and the arrest several days later of a 29-year-old Papuan student, Simon Magal, who met Skrzypski and communicated with him on Facebook.

“While Mr. Skrzypski’s choices may have been irresponsible and regrettable, his circumstances appear those of an idealistic and naive traveler and not one of a criminal,” the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network and London-based rights group Tapol said in a joint statement.

They said Magal’s arrest was excessive and he’d “simply been dragged in by the actions of Mr. Skrzypski.”

National police spokesman Dedi Prasetyo said Skrzypski had unfettered access to an “armed criminal group” in Papua that had designated a liaison to meet and escort him on his trips to the region.

Skrzypski encouraged the group to fight against the Indonesian government and also promised weapons, but even Prasetyo acknowledged it was “very unlikely” he could do that.

“We consider this case to be quite serious because it involves a foreign national,” he said.

Two friends said Skrzypski, a long-term resident of Switzerland, where he moved for economic opportunities, is an avid traveler who’s fascinated by other cultures. In one online profile, he lists about 50 countries he’s visited.

Skrzypski’s Facebook page indicates he supports right-wing European nationalist movements and is also interested in ethnic groups that have faced state persecution or genocide, including Armenians and Kurds.

In 2017, he traveled to both Armenia and the Kurdish-controlled area of Iraq. On Facebook, he follows some high-profile figures in the Papuan independence movement. Rafal Szymborski, who describes himself as the coordinator of the Free West Papua Campaign in Poland, has protested his arrest online. Szymborski didn’t respond to emailed questions.

Some of Skrzypski’s postings indicate a sympathetic interest in Julius Evola, an Italian fascist philosopher who decades after his death remains an influence on neo-fascists. He supported a “sovereign money” movement to dismantle the Swiss banking system that was defeated in a referendum this year, and also posted photos of himself wearing an ultra-nationalistic “Defend Helvetia” T-shirt that superimposes an automatic rifle over a map of Switzerland.


https://www.apnews.com/2361971b0e0a474386e6047d3ab0cd58
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Mon Oct 15, 2018 4:00 pm

UR-FASCISM BY UMBERTO ECO

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“We must keep alert, so that the sense of these words will not be forgotten again. Ur-Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plainclothes. It would be so much easier, for us, if there appeared on the world scene somebody saying, “I want to reopen Auschwitz, I want the Black Shirts to parade again in the Italian squares.” Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises. Our duty is to uncover it and to point our finger at any of its new instances—every day, in every part of the world. Franklin Roosevelt’s words of November 4, 1938, are worth recalling: “I venture the challenging statement that if American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism will grow in strength in our land.” Freedom and liberation are an unending task.”
rest @ http://www.nybooks.com/articles/1995/06/22/ur-fascism/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Oct 17, 2018 10:35 pm

Propaganda (Art) Struggle

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Digital study with stills from Bannon’s Generation Zero (2010). Steve Bannon: A Propaganda Retrospective, Study (2018). Image: Jonas Staal and Remco van Bladel. Produced by Het Nieuwe Instituut, Rotterdam

Steve Bannon himself is an example not only of a propagandist, but also a propaganda artist. His work has focused on developing both the infrastructures of the Nationalist International—of which The Movement is the most recent example—and the narratives that provide purpose and unity to a growing alt-right alliance.

Bannon’s work in the early nineties for Goldman Sachs was foundational for his organizational work as a propagandist, as it provided him with the tools to develop various venture-capitalist and political enterprises. His role as the CEO of the Biosphere 2 project in Arizona from 1993 to 1995 revealed his obsession with closed-system technologies. The largest ecosphere ever built on earth, Biosphere 2’s original remit was to explore the possibilities for interplanetary colonization, but under Bannon’s leadership it became a massive laboratory for researching the impacts of climate change (in sharp contrast to his later decisive role in convincing President Trump to pull out of the Paris Climate Agreement). In 2007, with funding from the ultraconservative Mercer family, Bannon cofounded Breitbart News—the self-declared “home of the alt-right”—and helped organize the anti-Obama Tea Party movement. Over time he has been instrumental in constructing, step by step, an expanding biosphere of the alt-right, with its own political, financial, and media wings—its own infrastructure.

A less discussed, albeit crucial, aspect of Bannon’s oeuvre is his work as a propaganda filmmaker—as an instigator of narratives intended to unite the right. Between 2004 and 2018 he made ten documentary-style films that can be described as cultural and ideological precursors to what would later be called “Trumpism.” Already in his first paleoconservative film, In the Face of Evil: Reagan’s War in Word and Deed (2004), Bannon’s obsession with strong national leadership is on display. Here, Reagan is portrayed as the sole defender of a Christian nation engaged in a battle to the death with communist evil. Bannon denounces the “appeasers”—diplomats and members of the peace movement—who strive for a negotiated resolution to the Cold War. The film ends with images of the attacks on the Twin Towers; out of the rising dust and smoke, the figure of Osama Bin Laden appears. Not only is Bannon’s first film a plea for a twenty-first-century Reagan-like figure to emerge and fight “Islamic Terrorism” with similar conviction; it also lays out his philosophy of the cyclical return of evil.

For Bannon, communism, Nazism, and Islamic terrorism are all successive reincarnations of what he terms “The Beast.” Inspired by the fringe writings of William Strauss and Neil Howe, especially their book The Fourth Turning (1997), Bannon believes that time develops cyclically through four “turnings,” and that every fourth generation—every fourth turning—an epic civilizational war against evil must be waged. This cyclical war provides the ground for a periodic rebirth of Bannon’s core ideological doctrine, which can best be summarized as “white Christian economic nationalism.”

Bannon uses this theory of the cyclical return of evil to explain social upheavals in the US over the past half-century. According to Bannon, the most recent fourth turning was the Second World War, out of which the United States emerged victorious and reborn, establishing a free market within its national borders and nurturing a devout and nuclear-family-centered culture. But this glorious new turning was quickly threatened by the next turning: the rise of flower power, feminism, and progressive social movements. This turning, says Bannon, introduced a godless individualism into American society and sowed the seeds for the culture of liberal-capitalist greed, with hippies growing up to become Wall Street sharks (this ahistorical blame game has been echoed by some leftists, such as Angela Nagle, who implies that left-wing discourse on transgression gave birth over time to the alt-right). In Bannon’s vision, “cultural Marxists,” who also emerged from the tumult of the sixties and seventies, are perpetually conspiring to take over the government and collectivize the state from within.


https://www.e-flux.com/journal/94/21998 ... -struggle/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Wed Oct 24, 2018 1:40 pm

Trump and Nietzsche

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For some years after World War 2, Nietzsche was understandably out of fashion. But he’s been rehabilitated since the 1970s, and is now one of the most popular subjects for philosophy PhDs. Scholars have clarified that, unlike his sister, he wasn’t anti-Semitic – he admired Jewish culture. Nor was he a nationalist – he thought nationalism was a cheap intoxicant, despised German militarism, and called himself a ‘good European’. He was a key influence on Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida, and helped to create what Paul Ricoeur called the ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ which is so popular in left-wing humanities and social sciences: what secret interest lurks under an ideal? Aren’t all claims to ‘truth’ or ‘beauty’ really disguised power-grabs by particular interest groups?

This new biography will add to his good reputation – what a heroic man we meet, what a stylist, what a humourist! Who else has chapter headings like ‘Why I am so clever’! Who else can tear apart an entire philosophy (like Stoicism) with a few hilarious sentences. What brilliant psychological insights he threw up in his inspired frenzy – on the unconscious, the ego, projection, the wisdom of the body.

It’s awkward, then, that this new, sympathetic, rehabilitated Nietzsche should prove to be so popular with the alt-right. The American neo-Nazi Richard Spencer has said he was ‘Red Pilled by Nietzsche’, and many other angry young white men on alt-right or Red Pill websites have nothing but praise for Nietzsche. They don’t get him, insist liberal or leftist defenders of Nietzsche. They’re misappropriating him. They’re making the same mistakes the Nazis made.

Oh come off it. Foucault is right that there are many Nietzsches, but one of the most consistent notes one hears is contempt for the masses and hatred of liberal democracy, equality, and the rights of women, workers or the weak. As I read his books this week – particularly Beyond Good and Evil and The Genealogy of Morals – I thought how well it fit with the alt-right worldview: Liberal democracy is a monstrous cacophony that seeks to shame and emasculate strong men. It is a dictatorship of the offended, the resentful, and the easily bruised, who seek power through victimhood and hurt feelings. This conspiracy of the weak will only work if strong men fall for it – if they become cuks or ‘white knights’, in alt-right and Red Pill terms – if they are so credulous as to believe that women or minority groups really are interested in ‘equality’ and ‘fairness’ rather than simply power and domination. But the strong man, the Alpha male, will break the bonds of liberal guilt and roam free, just like Trump, Bo-Jo, Bolsonaro, Orban, Duterte, Erdogan, Berlusconi, and every other blond or not so-blond beast now strutting on the world stage.

How could the alt-right and Red Pillers not thrill to passages like this, where Nietzsche gets nostalgic about the good ol’ days of rape and pillage enjoyed by the ‘blond beasts’:

They enjoy freedom from all social control, they feel that in the wilderness they can give vent with impunity to that tension which is produced by enclosure and imprisonment in the peace of society, they revert to the innocence of the beast-of-prey conscience, like jubilant monsters, who perhaps come from a ghostly bout of murder, arson, rape, and torture, with bravado and a moral equanimity, as though merely some wild student’s prank had been played, perfectly convinced that the poets have now an ample theme to sing and celebrate.


It reminds one of Kavanaugh – it’s all just student pranks…just bants!

There are passages where Nietzsche even sounds like Trump – in his insults against women, and his absurd boasting: ‘At no moment of my life can I be shown to have adopted any kind of arrogant or pathetic posture’, he says, before continuing: ‘Anyone who saw me during the seventy days of this autumn when I was uninterruptedly creating nothing but things of the first rank which no man will be able to do again or has done before, bearing a responsibility for all the coming millennia, will have noticed no trace of tension in me.’ It reminds me of Trump’s immortal line: ‘I’m much more humble than you would understand’.

How could fascists not grin at Nietzsche’s Strangelovian denunciations of the superfluous dwarves of liberal democracy, who don’t deserve any sympathy – in fact, it is just this sympathy which has led to the ‘DETERIORATION OF THE EUROPEAN RACE’? How could they not cheer at his calls for ‘the higher breeding of humanity, together with the remorseless destruction of all degenerate and parasitic elements’, at his yearning for ‘the harshest but most necessary wars’, at his praise of violence and cruelty as the source of all higher culture, at his endless comments like: ‘The weak and the failures shall perish. They ought even to be helped to perish’.

I could give many such quotes. Nietzsche can’t be called a fascist or alt-righter, because he never stayed in one position long, and he rejected any political action as ‘filth’. But the alt-right can find a lot to love in him. I’m sure sometimes he is being provocative – just bants! – but words and ideas easily slip off the page and kill people.

And this champion of strength and virility was a sickly and weak man, a failure in the army, a loser in love, who claimed not to need public attention yet became more and more megalomaniac until he claimed to be a god. He’s right that there can be something morbid and unhealthy in Stoicism and other philosophies of consolation – but there is also, surely, something morbid and resentful in him, the impoverished and humiliated Prussian constantly insisting on his aristocratic rank. One can find him interesting, funny, fascinating, even sympathetic, and still be honest about the toxicity of his ideas and the damage they do.


https://emotionsblog.history.qmul.ac.uk ... nietzsche/
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Thu Oct 25, 2018 10:03 am

Hitler in Brasilia: The U.S. Evangelicals and Nazi Political Theory Behind Brazil's President-in-waiting

Mix up fascist geopolitics, Pat Robertson's LGBT hate, Bannon's nationalism and Putin's shills and you get Jair Bolsonaro, who's nostalgic for the U.S.-backed dictatorship that tortured and killed thousands of leftists - and he's about to come to power

Alexander Reid Ross
Oct 25, 2018 2:08 PM


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Demonstrators hold posters comparing Brazilian right-wing presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro to Adolf Hitler. Sao Paulo, Brazil, on October 20, 2018

The return of geopolitics in the 1980's and ’90s accompanying the dissolution of the Soviet Union, became part of the triumphal narrative of North Atlantic supremacy, but its advocates rarely examined its roots in radical conservatism.

While the renascent geopolitics accommodated geo-strategy and more liberal understandings of international relations, those who proclaimed geopolitics in its original form largely came from the so-called Nouvelle Droite, a network of far-right ideologues committed to reproducing the conditions for the re-emergence of fascism in Europe.

It was in these circles that the Russian fascist, Alexander Dugin, learned about geopolitics while residing in Western Europe, injecting its fundamental precepts into Russia’s chaotic political environment through his 1997 text, "Foundations of Geopolitics." In his strange book that advances occult myths of an Aryan super-race, Dugin concluded that geopolitics tended toward his own brand of fascism.

Happy to turn a blind eye to its fascist core, Dugin’s ideology was spread with the aid of his numerous connections, from the General Staff of the Russian Armed Services to "Orthodox oligarch" Konstantin Malofeev, one of the major backers of the international far-right Christian network, the World Congress of Families.


Read more: https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/.pre ... -1.6581924
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Mon Nov 19, 2018 8:26 am

The Proud Boys, the bizarre far-right street fighters behind violence in New York, explained

They hate Muslims and refuse to masturbate: Meet the shock troops of the weirdo right.

By Jane Coaston Oct 15, 2018, 5:10pm EDT

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Far-right protesters jeer at members of Antifa during protests organized by the far-right group the Proud Boys.


McInnes left Vice Media in 2008. Since then, he has moved to what he calls the “New Right,” which he seems to define as a combination of “Western chauvinism” and social and political libertarianism or perhaps libertinism (for example, he has written extensively on how women want to be “downright abused” and that he had to stop “playing nice” and begin “totally defiling the women I slept with” to get more women to have sex with him).

His shift to the far right also included espousing anti-Muslim sentiments (“the Muslim world is filled with shoeless, toothless, inbred, hill-dwelling, rifle-toting, sodomy-prone men”) and an embrace of anti-Semitism and anti-Israel sentiments, including a video he made for the far-right Canadian outlet Rebel Media initially called “10 Things I Hate about Jews” (or as he would later tweet, “10 THINGS I HATE ABOUT THE GODDAMN MOTHERFUCKING JEWS!”). He’s also argued that historically, perhaps Jews “were ostracized for a good reason.”

These videos, and some of his others, earned him a host of new fans, including David Duke. And though McInnes has attempted to push aside accusations of racism (which he argues doesn’t exist), he has written for both VDare and American Renaissance, the latter the publication of the “race-realist, white advocacy organization” New Century Foundation.

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From former KKK grand wizard David Duke’s Twitter feed. March 11, 2017.

Much of McInnes’s work, and that of a large swath of what he would call the New Right, is focused on what he views as the “feminization” of culture and politics, from commercials or “cuckmercials” that show “emasculated men” (or too many mixed-race couples) to politics. In an interview last year with Metro, he said, “There is a real war on masculinity.”

And it’s that search for the renewal of a very specific kind of masculinity — and McInnes’s belief that Western culture is in trouble because of “social justice warriors” and the mainstream media “belittling” white men — that resulted in the Proud Boys.


https://www.vox.com/2018/10/15/17978358 ... p-violence
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby seemslikeadream » Mon Nov 19, 2018 5:26 pm

The FBI has now classified the Proud Boys as an “extremist group with ties to white nationalism”


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Group is now designated ‘with ties to white nationalism’ according to report produced by Washington law enforcement

Jason Wilson
Last modified on Mon 19 Nov 2018 12.34 EST
The FBI now classifies the far-right Proud Boys as an “extremist group with ties to white nationalism”, according to a document produced by Washington state law enforcement.

The FBI’s 2018 designation of the self-confessed “western chauvinist group” as extremist has not been previously made public.

The Proud Boys was founded by the Vice Media co-founder Gavin McInnes. McInnes has insisted that his group is not white nationalist or “alt-right” but the Proud Boys have a history of misogyny and glorifying violence. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) lists them as a hate group.

The document also says: “The FBI has warned local law enforcement agencies that the Proud Boys are actively recruiting in the Pacific north-west”, and: “Proud Boys members have contributed to the recent escalation of violence at political rallies held on college campuses, and in cities like Charlottesville, Virginia, Portland, Oregon, and Seattle, Washington.”

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The report, and the FBI’s warning to south-west Washington police agencies about the Proud Boys’ role in escalating violence at these events came in August, two months before the group was involved in an infamous weekend of street violence in New York City and Portland, and not long after they participated in street violence in downtown Portland on 30 June.

The document, provided to the Guardian by the government transparency non-profit Property of the People, was part of an internal affairs investigation into a probationary deputy in the Clark county sheriff’s department.

The former clark county deputy, Erin Willey, was fired last July after a photo of her wearing a “Proud Boys Girls” sweatshirt was published by the Vancouver, Washington newspaper the Columbian. The Proud Boys Girls is the female auxiliary of the men-only group founded by McInnes in 2016.

The author of the document, headquarters commander Michael McCabe, is in charge of internal affairs, training, background investigation and courthouse security in the Clark county sheriff’s department.

After confirming the authenticity of the document, he told the Guardian in a telephone interview that the FBI’s classification of the Proud Boys as an extremist group was revealed to him in “a briefing we were given by the FBI” on 2 August, at Clark county’s west precinct.

The briefing included agency heads from local law enforcement, and in it the FBI said that they “have been warning [local law enforcement] for a while” about the Proud Boys, “not just in Washington but around the nation”.

The briefing including the Proud Boys was delivered by an FBI analyst, according to information forwarded to the Guardian by McCabe.

It touched on topics including “How the FBI tracks hate/extremist groups”, “Brief history of these groups in the Pacific NW”, “A description of currently active groups with a focus on the Portland/Vancouver area”, and “Current trends or concerns over law enforcement officers/employees involvement with these groups”.

Street fighting in Portland, with men in ‘Proud Boys’ uniform to the fore.
Street fighting in Portland, Oregon, with men in ‘Proud Boys’ uniform to the fore on 30 June. Photograph: John Rudoff/Sipa USA/REX/Shutterstock
The document says that Willey was an active Proud Boys Girls member between November 2016 and October 2017, and in February 2017 she “actively participated in the manufacturing, advertising and selling of Proud Boys Girls’ merchandise on a website”.

The document concludes that membership in the Proud Boys may constitute a violation of the Clark county sheriff’s department oath to support and protect the laws of the United States, since Proud Boys “members have been documented as having called for the closure of all prisons, the issuing of firearms to everyone, the legalization of all drugs, the deportation of all illegal immigrants and the shutdown of the government”.

Another concern expressed in the document produced by McCabe – which was handed to the sheriff, Chuck E Atkins, so he could make a decision on Willey’s future in the department – was the possibility that the deputy’s membership in the group would constitute a so-called “Brady violation”.

The Brady doctrine requires prosecutors to disclose any potentially exculpatory evidence to defenses in the discovery phase of criminal trials.

Membership in the Proud Boys, the document says, may constitute “evidence that a deputy is biased or has some motive to lie” which could constitute a prosecutorial risk.

According to the report, Willey was placed on administrative leave after the Columbian contacted the sheriff’s department on 2 July. She was fired on 17 July, before the report was completed, and just before the Columbian published its story.

The report also states Willey’s belief that the photo of her in a Proud Boys sweatshirt was given to the Columbian by her former boyfriend, and “active Proud Boy member”, Graham Jorgensen.

Jorgensen has been a regular participant in rallies organized by the Clark county-based Patriot Prayer group, whose events have included Proud Boys, and which have frequently culminated in violence.

Other law enforcement agencies have discovered Proud Boys in their midst and responded in a similar manner. A month after Willey was fired, Brian Green, a patrol deputy in Louisiana, was also let go after social media posts revealed his allegiance to the group.

Willey and Jorgensen could not be reached for comment.

In Clark county, Proud Boys have been integral to the Patriot Prayer movement, which organizes rightwing street marches and rallies in Portland, Seattle, Vancouver and other cities in the Pacific north-west.

Asked about the apparent high level of Proud Boy activity and rightwing organizing in Clark county, McCabe said: “I think both as an agency and me, personally, we worry about that.

“Anybody who has watched the news recently can see that the United States appears divided. Any time you are dealing with groups who are espousing hate, it’s certainly a concern for law enforcement,” he added.

McCabe pointed to a joint statement by Atkins and the Clark county prosecuting attorney Tony Golik in the wake of reporting on Willey’s firing.

In that statement, the men said in part: “We reject hate, bigotry, harassment, violence or the inciting of violence, and all actions intended to harm or intimidate others.”

The FBI did not directly address the designation or the briefing in response to specific email questions, but did say that while “the FBI does not and will not police ideology”, the agency “regularly assesses intelligence regarding possible threats and works closely to share that information with our federal, state and local law enforcement partners”.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/ ... ism-report





Sob story from MiamiGOP clown Nelson Diaz about getting caught with the Proud Boys

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 02, 2018 12:27 pm

Being a conservative woman in college is like being a part of ‘Fight Club,’” wrote Maggie Horzempa, 21, in a column in the Washington Examiner in June. “And what’s the first rule of Fight Club?” she told me, low, sitting out of earshot of other students at U.N.C.’s brightly lit Stone & Leaf bookstore café. “You don’t talk about being a conservative.

“THEY SAY WE’RE WHITE SUPREMACISTS”: INSIDE THE STRANGE WORLD OF CONSERVATIVE COLLEGE WOMEN
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sun Dec 09, 2018 11:54 am

Anti Fascism: 100 Years in the Streets

Shane Burley

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A review of
M. Testa, Militant Anti-Fascism. AK Press, 2015; and Dave Hann, Physical Resistance. Zero Books, 2013.


The recent confrontations in Sacramento between anti-fascist organizers, the Traditionalist Youth Network, and other neo-Nazis shows the strength of mass action mixed with a radical contingent prepared for militant confrontation. Here, the preparation for a protest action was staged, while the direction was decidedly towards shutting down the event. This approach enhanced inclusivity while also bridging the di erent areas of the community, adding to a larger demonstration of anti-fascist solidarity. The increased militancy seen at Trump rallies, especially from movements that emerged out of struggles against police repression and racist immigration policy, have not connected with the Antifa brand of struggle. The expansion of tactics and movement building possibilities can allow the anti-fascist movement to mobilize in concert with those that are focusing on shutting down this rising racialist populism at any cost.

Militant Anti-Fascism creates a distinction between what it labels “militant,” “state legislative,” and “liberal” methods of confronting fascism. The state legislative route involves people pursuing hate-crime or hate-speech legislation to hinder fascist organizing. However, state legislation is often disconnected from grassroots organizing and direct action. These laws also uphold the apparatus of the state, therefore reinforcing state methods that could easily be turned against radical leftists later. Liberal anti-fascism, alternatively, is understood as useful for coalition- building and increasing media presence. This approach could be described as the “mass movement” model of building large scale anti-fascist marches and actions. However, they typically disallow more militant methods that are critical for actually confronting and forcefully dismantling the fascist organizations that are up against them. If there was a combinative approach that utilized a truer inclusion of “a diversity of tactics,” which would mean bridging the mass movement and militant anti-fascist approaches, you could build a large-scale movement that effectively tied anti- fascist organizing to anti-racism and anti-capitalism more broadly. An example of this combination of tactics could be challenging a fascist organization in a community, rallying community members to use escalation campaigns that are often seen in labour organizing to remove them. A combination of tactics is simultaneously effective at both pushing out the racist element and empowering and educating the public. At the same time, militant tactics — such as those deployed by the AFA — need to be employed because public protest tactics will not always be effective at shutting down creeping fascism; militancy needs to be cultivated if there is a fascist seizure of power.

The two books work together to develop a historical continuity between the anti-fascist movements of the interwar period and Nazi occupation, and the broad anti-fascism in the decades since. A key part of the analysis presented connects modern Antifa organizing to resistance movements leading up to WWII. Militant Anti-Fascism begins with a more conventional history of WWII resistance, one that focuses on the role of the ideological left. It then takes us through a modern history of urban street battles making the case that more recent confrontations are the modern equivalent of earlier insurrectionary movements. Therefore the anti-fascism movement was ideological from the beginning, with resistance coming from the working class movements of the European radical left. This ideological foundation is especially clear in the history provided by Hann, where we see the British Communist Party leading the opposition into mass urban conflicts with Mosley and varying fascist apologists in Britain. The framing of a continuous anti-fascist history provides context for work happening today, which the authors allude could be activated into a revolutionary movement if an open fascist seizure of power were to take place.

Both authors note that fascist organizing and resistance to it rises primarily during periods of collapse and crisis, rather than sustaining a consistent level of activity. Arising largely out of the German Communist Party in response to the Nazi groundswell, the vanguard of the interwar and post-war anti-fascist struggle was the anti-capitalist left. Organized anti-capitalism was central to the strategy that separated Antifa and the radical wing from the reformist one. The roots of fascism were seen as deeply laid in social inequality driven by capitalist exploitation, meaning that smashing reactionary politics required working-class revolution. This ideological foundation meant that oppression, crystallized in fascist politics, was understood as multi-faceted, both interpersonal and institutional, and the result of a socially stratified society. This core focus on oppression meant that there was always a struggle inside anti-fascist organizations to confront any interpersonal bigotry that took place, which was often exaggerated by the masculinist behavior found in “street battle” direct action organizations. Both books have the advantage of examining the development of anti- fascism through the 20th century, and how militant feminist and LGBT struggles became necessary correctives to a more vulgar class reductionist organizing model.

One issue that is not made clear in these two books is exactly what the demographics were of those engaged in militant anti- fascist organizing. Antifa as a project has often been taken up by white communities as a form of “self-policing,” where white allies and anti-racists primarily make up the direct action contingents. Conceptually, this comes from the notion that the fascists across the barricades were often people from their racially homogenous neighbourhoods. At the same time, there has often been a belief that putting people of colour at the center of “community defense” organizing against neo-Nazis and other white supremacists exposes these already marginalized groups to increased levels of racialized violence. This debate is not explicitly present in either work and, in a sense, not ongoing in historical discussions in anti-fascist circles. With movements like PEGIDA and the EDL focusing on Muslim immigrants, much in the same way the National Front did in the early 1980s, much of the leadership in the broader anti-racist movements has started to come from those immigrant communities and create a more diverse anti-fascism that could be ready for physical resistance in the streets.

The lack of diversity of those mentioned in both Militant Anti- Fascism and Physical Resistance reveals much of the internal dynamics at play in the radical left. Though Physical Resistance does a great job at highlighting non-male and non-white comrades during interviews, neither book highlights how the movement diversified their constituency. The inclusion of an intersectional view of oppression in the movement developed alongside anarchism’s adaptation to a multi-faceted range of movements, from queer liberation to feminism. The radical right itself is intersectional: it attempts to establish essential hierarchies in all areas of social life. A dynamic anti-fascism is, therefore, one that mobilizes reactionary elements as they apply to race, gender, sexual orientation and presentation, body type, and a myriad of other modes of identity. This can be seen clearly in the development of “Men’s Rights” and “manosphere” movements that take an essentialist far-right view on gender, and use a hierarchical and biologically determinist understanding of human value. Class struggle has always been a part of developing contemporary anti-fascist theory, since it was this ideological core that formed the resistance to fascism as a revolutionary program.

In recent years, nationalism has seen huge shifts towards a reclaiming of intellectualism, spirituality, and many other ideas commonly associated with the left like radical environmentalism and anti-capitalism. Much of this comes as a response to the growing acceptance of Third Positionist fascist politics, the move towards racial paganism, “blood and soil” ideas about ecology, and the need to reclaim hierarchical socio-religious traditions and the identity of pre-Christian Europe. What this means is that for militant anti-fascism to survive, it has to reassess its targets and broaden its engagement with the public so that the threat of fascism can be more commonly understood. Militancy should not be abandoned or even put on the secondary tactical lists, but we must find ways of creating a multifaceted understanding of “no platform” so we can better collabourate with and support movements for housing justice, alternative labour, and Black Lives Matter. The books themselves act as a tactical testament to the histories and futures of anti-fascist organizing, which makes them invaluable to organizers today. Each volume provides not only a blueprint for how to organize an effective counter-strategy to creeping fascism but also offers a solid foundation for why a “no platform” approach is critically important to anti-fascist organizing and beyond. If fascism is allowed to grow under a belief that white supremacist ideas are absurd to the general public or that this type of racism is not as critically important as institutional forms of white supremacy, then we are at risk of allowing the creation of a force that can be mobilized during points of crisis through radicalized populism.



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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Tue Jan 01, 2019 1:32 pm

https://leftyhooligan.wordpress.com/201 ... 9-mrr-428/

I’m against it!: “What’s Left?” January 2019, MRR #428

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I’m against it.

Groucho Marx as Professor Quincy Adams Wagstaff
“I’m Against It,” Horse Feathers

I’m against it.

The Ramones, “I’m Against It,” Road to Ruin



I’m against it.

Capitalism that is. I’m against capitalism because it prioritizes profit over human need, exploits workers, engenders economic instability through overproduction and underconsumption, promotes social inequalities, degrades human community, destroys the environment, and encourages short term thinking at the expense of longterm planning. There is a vastly better alternative to capitalism in the form of socialism.

My antagonism toward capitalism is a standard, rational form of opposition. “A” is bad while “B” is good, so here is why I oppose “A.” I’ll call this vanilla opposition.

Then there’s contrarianism. It’s the opposition of that Beatles song “Hello Goodbye” the lyrics of which proclaim: “You say ‘Yes,’ but I say ‘No’.” It’s a reflexive, unconscious form of opposition. It’s actually a very punk form of opposition. In Anarchy Comics #3, published in 1981, Paul Mavrides and Jay Kinney penned the comic “No Exit” about hardcore punk rocker and visceral anarchist Jean-Paul Sartre, Jr., who gets transported 3000 years into the future when anarchism has finally prevailed and where “There’s no more war, oppression, sexism, racism, ageism, shapeism, sizeism!” Needless to say, J-P doesn’t react well. At one point he freaks and starts to “fuck shit up.” J-P’s future hosts admonish him: “Really J-P! There’s no need for this alienated behavior!! Since all property belongs to everyone, you’re only hurting yourself!!” To which J-P responds: “Yeah? Well, if it’s all mine too, I can wreck it if I want to, right?”

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Such is the essence of this form of opposition, which I’ll call reactive opposition. MRR once had a columnist who specialized in this type of opposition and routinely played Devil’s Advocate in the pages of the magazine. If Tim Yo or other MRR coordinators insisted there be no racism, sexism, or homophobia this columnist would go out of his way to defend sex with children or call gays “homos.” I hung out with him a couple of times and whenever people reacted angrily to his antics a sly smile would cross his face. Ultimately, he was fired when his column was rejected for calling women who had survived sexual assault “cry babies” suffering from “survivoritis” in letting themselves remain victims. Ironically, he whined he was a victim of MRR’s anti-free speech PC attitude. In this era of Trump and Kavanaugh, he’s on Facebook writing post-MRR columns in which he regularly defends Trump and the horrors of Trumpism. As a dutiful contrarian, of course.

Finally, there’s what I call dark opposition. Dark opposition stems from the seductive charms of the transgressive. The English Puritan John Milton wrote an epic poem intended to exalt his Christian faith by retelling the Genesis story of the fall of man. Called Paradise Lost, its main problem was that the figure of Satan, as evil incarnate, came off as way too charismatic and downright noble. So attractive was Milton’s portrait of the devil that Paradise Lost was a best seller in its day while his sequel of the story of that goody two-shoes Jesus, Paradise Regained, was a flop. Every modern rebel, whether adolescent or political, identifies with Satan when he declared “Better to reign in Hell than serve in Heaven.” I’ll spend the rest of my time discussing dark opposition based on the appeal of transgression, or what in Star Wars lingo is called the “power of the dark side.”

BBC-TV did a movie, Longford, about the 1960s moors murders and the English aristocrat and prison reformer who became involved with one of Britain’s most notorious criminals, child-killer Myra Hindley. Hindley gets one of the film’s better lines when her character says “Evil can be a spiritual experience too.” The draw of transgressive evil is never to be underestimated. Numerous books have been written on the subject and several youthful subcultures have actively embraced the dark side of things, the most prominent being Goth.

But the appeal of the left-hand path goes back all the way to Vedic Vāmācāra practice and Tantrism which eventually entered Western spirituality through Madame Blavatsky, Theosophy, and Aleister Crowley. The latter couched it in terms of the occult and ceremonial magic where the right-hand path equated to benevolent white magic while the left-hand path meant malevolent black magic. Magick if you will. This distinction is common with occultists, among them parafascist Julius Evola who emphasized that those pursuing the right-hand path worked selflessly for the glorification of the divine while those on the left-hand path worked egocentrically for the glorification of the self. After the second World War, esoteric Nazism and Hitler worship emerged in various forms of völkisch spirituality in neo-völkisch movements, pioneered by such individuals as Savitri Devi, Robert Charroux, and Miguel Serrano. This is paralleled in the revival of anti-modern elements of tribalism, paganism, Traditionalism, and mysticism in everything from right wing politics (Alain de Benoist’s Nouvelle Droite) to music (industrial, black metal, neo-folk), terms often preceded with the combining form neo- (as in neo-tribal, neo-pagan, etc.) This is part of an opposition to modernism, of a revolt against the modern world.

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Rarely has this amounted to a conscious embrace of the power of evil however. More often, and especially among the young, this has meant flirting with the devil, being naughty, getting an adrenaline rush, emotional thrill, or sexual charge from teasing the dark side. Sometimes it’s conveyed as a conscious provocation, the deliberate use of highly charged language and symbols to outrage those who are invariably labeled “squares.” This is the calculated method of musicians and bands like Boyd Rice and Death in June in the industrial and neo-folk genres who dress fash and talk fash but never actually claim fascism as an up front affiliation. In the end, a small percentage consider their embrace of the left-hand and the right-wing a positive good. That’s the stance of most involved in the ultranationalist Patriot movement because isn’t patriotism a good thing after all? Robert Anton LeVey defined his Satanism as a Nietzschean übermensch philosophy in opposition to the prevailing Christian herd mentality of society at large. And the virulently anti-semitic, Hitler-worshipping murderers of the neo-nazi Atomwaffen Division death squad believe that a new, expanded Holocaust—in which not just Jews and Leftists, but the immoral, degenerate and weak will be exterminated—is a positive, healthy social good.

These diehard characters are downright proud of their badass transgressive Nazi selves, unlike assclown Gavin McInnes and his ilk on the ultra-right who, when called out for throwing a Roman salute or reveling in racial slurs, disguise their dark shit with their disingenuous reactive crap. “Can’t you take a joke?” is their common refrain. Occasionally those who are in dark opposition are actively aided by those who are in reactive opposition. The Elbo Room, a long-standing San Francisco dive bar, recently closed its doors due to lease/landlord issues. In December, 2015, the Elbo Room gained notoriety by proudly hosting a show for the band Death in June and co-owner Matt Shapiro said: Death In June is not a Nazi band, nor a group that preaches hate. While they use controversial imagery and have songs with subject matter that some may find challenging, they are definitely not Nazis, nor hateful. I come from many generations of Jews. Do you think I could look my mother in the eye after booking a Nazi act? Shapiro wasn’t dissembling, he actually believes DiJ aren’t fascist, let alone Nazi or white supremacist. He called out the police against protesters he falsely claimed were wielding knives. “These folks were menacing and looking for trouble.” We have to take Shapiro’s word that DiJ are not fascist and that protesters threatened violence in this prime example of reactive opposition. Had it been the former MRR columnist mentioned above, he would have defended DiJ because they are fascists, in deference to his free speech absolutism. How punk.

Not.

Luis Buñuel once said: “Sex without sin is like an egg without salt,” implying a measured application of transgression to life. I’ll be the first to admit my vanilla opposition is neither aggro enough nor sexy enough for most rebels-in-waiting. Yet reactive opposition and dark opposition are so fraught with problems I’ve barely scratched the surface here. I’ll readily admit having started out in reactive opposition in my youth and I’m sure some would argue that my present vanilla opposition is a sorry climb down from those heady days. But I’m quite proud never to have entertained any dark oppositional tendencies beyond faking Nazi mannerisms with a tiny group of friends taking German in high school. Now that Kavanaugh has been confirmed to the Supreme Court, I can sincerely call that a “youthful indiscretion.”
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby Jerky » Tue Jan 01, 2019 9:16 pm

Fucking great stuff, AD.

To the list of resources for those exploring the topic of people who consider evil to be a spiritual experience, too, check out Geoffrey Ashe's magnificent book Do What You Will, a study of the conscious walkers of the Dark Path and their influence on politics and culture, from the Hellfire Clubs and de Sade up through Crowley and Manson (and even, for a little while, the Rolling Stones!).

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sat Oct 05, 2019 11:49 am

Third World Third Positionism: “What’s Left?” October 2019

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Another Third World Third Positionist bloc emerged in the Middle East, determined by the rise of pan-Arab nationalism. Reacting to Western imperialism and Zionist colonialism, the pan-Arabic nationalist response was unsteady and uneven between the two world wars, going so far as to court “the enemy of my enemy” in the case of Haj Amin al-Husseini’s collaboration with Nazi Germany in Mandatory Palestine. Reactionary Arab anti-imperialism after the second World War—as exemplified by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, various Ba’athist parties and regimes in Syria and Iraq, and the short-lived Egyptian/Syrian United Arab Republic—was explicitly national-socialist. Arab Third Positionism took inspiration from European Fascism, suppressed socialist and communist unions and parties while seeking Soviet aid, adopted corporatist economic models, promoted modernization and state nationalization of foreign and domestic assets, and engaged in “military socialism.” This reached a pinnacle in the Libya of Muammar Gaddafi, whose Green Book rejected representative democracy and promised a third path between capitalism and communism. Gaddafi’s Jamhariyah system embodied the true “state of the masses” funded by Libya’s oil reserves. Combine Arab Third Positionism with a virulent anti-Zionist opposition to Israel that readily spilled over into anti-Jewish anti-semitism and you have the closest approximation to orthodox Nazism to date.

I don’t have space to discuss the leftist ethnic nationalism of Labor Zionism’s “socialism for one people” in Palestine or Nyerere’s ujamaa socialism in Tanzania, nor of Third World Third Positionism in sub-Saharan Africa (Idi Amin’s Uganda) or Asia (the Juche regime in North Korea). Maoism’s repurposing of the concept of “proletarian nation” is also beyond our scope. The defining characteristic of Third World ultranationalist resistance to capitalist neo-colonialism and Western imperialism is not racial identity, but rather a reactionary Third Positionist anti-imperialism that seeks to substitute a struggle between nations internationally for the classic Marxist international class struggle.

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White “First World” adherents to Third Positionism, in turn, have adopted a Third Worldist view of international affairs. This has meant overt solidarity with Third Positionist Third World regimes and movements on the grounds they constitute non-white racial nationalist resistance to Western multiculturalism, multiracialism and Zionism. Decrying the creep of non-white cultural influences into white Western nations from the colonies and vice-versa, First World Third Positionists nevertheless consider their Third World counterparts kindred spirits to white nationalist movements in the developed West. The European Nouvelle Droite has cultivated ties with Islamist groups, and US Third Positionists have sought common cause with the Nation of Islam and other Black Nationalist groups over anti-semitism and racial separatism. That doyen of ultraright high idiocy, Troy Southgate, fleshed out Third Positionism from his faux guerrilla National Revolutionary Faction to National Anarchism, his bastard ideology of decentralized racial/ethnic tribal autonomy. The move from white power and white supremacy to white nationalism and a white ethnostate, in fact, has Third Positionist ethno-pluralist ramifications in implying that non-whites can pursue racial/ethnic separatism and nationalism as well. The loosely-organized far right populist Posse Comitatus movement has even proposed extending white ethnonationalism down to the county level.

Despite the Third Positionist claim to “go beyond Left and Right,” it’s wise to remember Upton Sinclair’s sentiment that: “Fascism is capitalism plus murder.

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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby PufPuf93 » Sat Oct 05, 2019 12:16 pm

Surprised and good to see you back AmericanDream.

Now get back to work on that Tantra thread. :bigsmile
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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby American Dream » Sat Oct 05, 2019 12:55 pm

Done and done!


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Re: Fight Club, Evola and Secret Societies

Postby MacCruiskeen » Sat Oct 05, 2019 1:05 pm

Oh for jesus christ almighty's sake, whose decision was this? ^^ What prompted it? What can possibly justify it? Especially at a time like this?

Elvis? Who made this call? Who let this notorious troll, sneak and flamebaiting fake back in? Who made this decision to destroy RI General Discussion once and for all? Why, exactly?

What is going on here?
There sawe I fyrst the derke ymagynyng
Of felony [...]
The pyckpurse and eke the pale drede,
The smyler, with the knyfe under the cloke.
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